Category: Opinion

  • The Deadly War on Women and Children 

    The Deadly War on Women and Children 

    -By Abdul Mahmud

    Childbirth is a death sentence in our country. It shouldn’t be. But it is. Our country loses a woman every seven minutes. That’s not a statistic. That is not just a scream in the dark, it is a cry searing the blinding daylight of a country that has grown numb to both the living and the dying. A country where indifference is policy, and silence is the only answer to suffering. A final breath. A mother dying while giving life. The BBC reports that our country is the world’s worst place to beget life. One woman dies every seven minutes. That’s 75,000 maternal deaths in one year. That’s 29% of all maternal deaths worldwide. Almost one in every three. That’s not a crisis. That’s a collapse. That number should shame our country and us as citizens. It doesn’t.

    This tells a story. A tragic, brutal, relentless story. Of women bleeding to death in clinics. On beds without bedsheets. With midwives who have no gloves. Of babies born into silence. Of widowers cradling newborns. Poor fathers. Of children growing up without mothers. Of families shattered by the simple biological act of childbirth. But childbirth here isn’t straightforward. It’s war. It’s women walking kilometres to underfunded hospitals. It’s labour rooms without light. Clinics without water. It’s rusted scissors. Torn gloves. Nurses working with torchlights. And stillbirths that go uncounted. Here? Emergency care is a complete farce. Blood banks? Dry. Anaesthesia? Non-existent. Bandages to hold cannulas in place? Paper stickers. Ambulances?

    Pregnant women in labour hop on keke ride and on a prayer.

    This is our country – the land of our birth.

    A country rich in oil and gas. Rich in resources. But bankrupt in everything else, including leadership.

    The women who die are poor. They are urban and rural. They are the forgotten ones. They are invisible. Their deaths don’t make much of the daily news. Their stories don’t make policy. They die in silence. Buried without outrage.

    But, it doesn’t end with mothers.

    Our children die too. Quietly. Slowly. Around and about. Development Reporting, a specialist media outfit, said it clearly. Our children are failed by the system. Unvaccinated. Malnourished. Out of school. Sick. Abandoned. They are growing up in hunger. In pain. They live without food. Without teachers. Without nurses. Without any chance. They have been left behind. To die. One in ten of our children never reach their fifth birthday. Most deaths are preventable. Malaria. Pneumonia. Diarrhoea. Hunger. Simple diseases that kill fast because our country’s healthcare system habitually kills.

    One in three children is stunted. That means their brains and bodies won’t grow as they should. That means their futures are already stolen. Malnourished children can’t learn. They can’t compete. They can’t lead. Our country has failed them. Repeatedly. Brutally. Little wonder the late, iconic South African-born reggae legend, Lucky Dube, lamented the moral decay of Africa’s governing class. “They won’t build no schools anymore,” he sang, “all they’ll build will be prison, prison.” His words echo like prophecy across our country’s broken landscape. If he had trained his mind on our country’s governing elite, he might well have added: they don’t build hospitals anymore; all they construct are flyovers to nowhere. Perhaps, to Samarkand where fantasy lives and the sick are not their burden.

    And, yet, our country pretends that all is well and good. While 18 million children are out of school, it pretends. While millions live in slums, drink dirty water, and battle diseases, it pretends. While clinics run out of vaccines, it pretends still. While mothers weep over graves, it turns its eyes in the direction of Afghanistan. The governing elite are the worst culprits. Does the holy book not say, “Blessed are those who mourn, for they shall be comforted”? But these ones will not mourn. They do not weep for the dead. They do not grieve with the bereaved. Their hearts are sealed. Their eyes are dry. They soar, detached, above the suffering of ordinary citizens like Achebe’s Eneke the bird, who learned to fly without perching because men had learned to shoot without missing. Our rulers now fly too, sky-high, far above the dust and death they leave behind.

    The president. His wife. The vice president. They spent N23 billion on foreign travel last year. That’s not a typo. N23 billion. For comfort. For luxury. For medical treatment. Paris for medical check-ups; but, masked as working holidays. Dubai for toothaches. Germany for routine tests. London for rest. While back home, women are stitched without anaesthesia. Children die from coughs. While hospitals turn from Buhari’s mere consulting clinics to morgues. Here’s the truth: they flee the country they ruined. They simply cop out to countries that others built. Where they don’t cop out, they hide inside the world of opulence they built for themselves from the stolen commonwealth. They don’t feel citizens’ pains. They don’t know what it means to hear a child convulse and die because there’s no oxygen. They don’t know what it feels like to hold a woman’s hand while she dies from a ruptured womb. They don’t bury children. They bury money. In Swiss accounts. Offshore firms. Dollar vaults. The Panama Papers reveal the truth. While our own currency can’t buy Panadol.

    Our corrupt governing elite have eaten everything. Ours is now a country of locusts. Budgets are padded. Health budgets are looted. Drugs are stolen. Equipment is resold. Nurses and doctors, left unpaid and unappreciated, flee our country’s shores in despair, seeking dignity in foreign lands. In a moment that captured the callous indifference of our governing elite, former Minister of Labour, Chris Ngige, shamelessly declared that the exodus of doctors was of little consequence because, according to him, our country “has more than enough medical personnel… if you have surplus, you export”. It was a boast swaddled in ignorance, and beneath it lay the tragic arithmetic of a ruined country. The World Health Organisation’s data pierces through Ngige’s fiction like light through the dark: as far back as 2013, our country had only 3.8 doctors for every 10,000 citizens; a ratio far below the WHO’s recommended ratio of one doctor to 600 patients. Twelve years on, the ratio hasn’t changed. This is not surplus; it is scarcity masquerading as strength. It is the cruel irony of a ruined country bleeding expertise while its governing elite speak in the hollow cadences of denial.

    Our country has signed all manner of treaties.

    The Sustainable Development Goals. The UN conventions. The AU declarations. Our country pledges. Our country makes promises. But nothing is fulfilled. Nothing reaches the dying woman in the cities and villages. Nothing saves the baby in the overcrowded wards of urban hospitals. Data is manipulated. Numbers are cooked. Reports are buried. Truth is hidden. But graves don’t lie.

    Our mothers are dying. And no one is asking why they are dying. Even if someone is asking, no one is answering. Our governing elite are pursuing policies of indifference and neglect by design. Failure by choice. It is deliberate because they aren’t the victims of their own failure. They are protected from it. They are immune. They are medical tourists. Their wives won’t deliver in local clinics. Their babies won’t sleep on bare floors. Their lives are insured. Citizens’ lives are not. And so, our country stays broken. Because it works for them. Because there are no consequences for enthroning failure. So, they go on commissioning 30 kilometres highway and bus stops, and unveiling white elephant projects. Hosting summits. Garlanding foreign visitors. Taking photos. Saying prayers. Meanwhile, more women keep dying. Children keep vanishing into the abyss. Citizens are told to be patient. To renew hope. But hope is not a hospital. Faith is not healthcare. Prayer doesn’t fix a torn placenta. Or stop post-partum bleeding. Or treat jaundice. Only investment. Only real governance. Only the political will of a responsible governing elite who know what to do: train midwives. Equip hospitals. Provide ambulances. Fund primary healthcare. Pay doctors and nurses. Build systems. Enforce accountability. These are not puzzles wrapped in enigma; they are the fundamental functions of a competent state. Rwanda has done it, with clarity of purpose and political will. Ghana has made earnest strides. Even Sierra Leone, scarred by war and poverty, is learning to rise. But here in our republic, our rulers talk. They convene conferences. They inaugurate committees with fanfare. They rename hospitals as though renaming heals the sick. They switch uniforms as if new fabrics could staunch the bleeding. But they do not save lives. They perform the ritual of governance without its substance.

    And the cost?

    It is written in the silence of empty cradles and the wails of orphaned children. Seventy-five thousand women lost in a single year, not to the Boko Haram war; but to preventable complications. Buried without headlines. Yet, our governing elite have not declared it a war. There are no national mourning days. No flags lowered. No outrage. Just the quiet erasure of women, whose only crime was to give life in a country that does not value life. But it is war. On the poor. On the voiceless. On mothers. On children.

    Every maternal death is a failure of leadership. Every child’s grave is a scandal. Every hospital without drugs is a crime scene. Citizens must speak louder. They must make their votes count. A country that abandons its women and children abandons its soul. This is not fate. This is not nature at work. These are premeditated murders. Matricide enabled. Infanticide engineered. Deaths orchestrated and sustained by our governing elite.

    Silent though it is, our country is waging a war against women and children; and the generals of that war, the very men and women entrusted to protect the citizens, are the ones who pry open wounds, mother after mother, and children upon their first cries. Happily, history offers the lamp to courageous citizens who think of the Parisians who stormed the Bastille with unyielding revolutionary will and seek to enact their own history, not with bloodied pikes; but with their ballots, voices, and unyielding civic will.

    That chapter in history will not be written by fate, but by paragraphs that citizens shall compose by choice.

    Beware.

    May our dead find peace.

  • EFCC Raids in Nigeria: Helping the Nation or Serving Other Interests?

    EFCC Raids in Nigeria: Helping the Nation or Serving Other Interests?

    By Sebastine Chukwuebuka Okafor

    When the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo commenced the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, in 2003, it was a way of responding to the then growing concern over the increase in economic and financial crimes such as advance fee fraud, money laundering, corruption, and other financial crimes. It took some months before it was fully established under the EFCC Act 2004, and the commission was empowered to investigate all financial crimes, enforce relevant laws, and coordinate efforts of other institutions involved in the fight against corruption. Then, Nigeria faced very bad pressure from international agencies, especially the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), due to its global reputation as the then hub of internet scams and financial crimes. Before EFCC, FATF had placed Nigeria on its Non-Cooperative Countries and Territories (NCCTs).

    Charged with the responsibility of investigating financial crimes and bringing offenders to justice, enforcement of economic and financial crimes laws, prevention and combat of financial crimes laws, prevention and combating of financial and economic crimes, amongst others, many Nigerians weren’t comfortable with the idea because the country already had the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) that was trying her best at that time. To some, it was a creation of the executive arm of government which would be used to witch-hunt the opposition voices and blackmail targeted individuals; some saw it as an extension of the Nigerian police, while others saw it as a welcomed development. President Obasanjo appointed Mallam Nuhu Ribadu as the first chairman of the commission, who did his best to fight corruption, even though corruption tried everything possible to fight back, but he remained resolute.

    In EFCC, there are different departments that enable its work to progress, as created by the EFCC Act 2004. The departments include Operations Department, Legal and Prosecution Department, Intelligence and Special Operations Department, Administration and Human Resources Department, Finance and Accounts Department, Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Department, Media and Public Affairs Department, Capacity Development Department, Asset Forfeiture and Recovery Management Department, Research and Documentation Department.

    In all these departments, the most popular and controversial are the Operation, Legal, and Prosecution. This is because, when Nigerians hear about EFCC, it is either they arrested someone or people, raided an environment, charged a suspect to court, or got someone convicted. The Operation arm has been criticized recently by many Nigerians and the global world due to their unethical and unprofessional approach to their duties, especially late-night raiding, as well as alleged abuse of office, as many say they break too many laws while trying to enforce a law.

    These departments, since the establishment of the commission, have engaged in activities that have provided a bad image to the commission, especially from revered organizations, groups, legal experts, and individuals. In one of their nefarious activities, renowned legal luminary Dr. Olisa Agbakoba, while talking on May 7th, 2024, said, “I very strongly believe the EFCC is unconstitutionally established… The EFCC is an unlawful organisation,” declared Dr. Olisa Agbakoba (SAN), former NBA President, in an interview published on May 7, 2024, calling for legal reform of the commission’s mandate (Punch Newspapers, 7 May 2024). This statement also tallied with another by Oluwalanu Agusto, a Nigerian illustrator and author, who said, “Nigeria has too many problems for the EFCC to be arresting people over frivolous issues. Have they chased the politicians embezzling billions?” he asked, in an interview published May 14, 2024 (Financial Times, 14 May 2024). Also, Olu Fasan, a public policy analyst, in a critical op-ed on December 15, 2023, questioned EFCC’s credibility as an anti-corruption agency, as published by the Nigerian Observer on 15 December 2023. According to him, “The agency is so bedevilled that it has become part of the problem, not part of the solution.”

    One of the things that have made many question the operation guidelines of the commission was when it began to go against itself. On the 1st of November, 2023, EFCC banned night raids after widespread condemnation. According to reports, “The EFCC itself issued a directive banning sting operations at night after civil society organizations and the public condemned the agency’s midnight tactics as extrajudicial and dangerous” (The Cable, Nov 1, 2023). But on June 8, 2024, the same commission raided a nightclub in Akure, which sparked human rights outcry. The reports of the incident said, “The EFCC’s commando-style raid of nightclubs in Akure, where over 50 youths were arrested, including a groom-to-be, drew sharp criticism from human rights activists and observers. The use of tear gas and force was described as a “violation of human dignity and abuse of operational powers” (Daily Post, June 9, 2024).

    While many were wondering the reason why EFCC would go against itself, the worst happened again at Awka in January 2025. On the 17th of January 2025, there was a report that said, “Awka Midnight Operation Turned Deadly.”

    It also said, “The EFCC came under fire after a midnight raid in Awka, Anambra State, led to the accidental shooting of an EFCC operative, Aminu Salisu, despite the commission’s November 2023 internal directive banning night raids. Civil society and legal advocates condemned the operation as reckless and unlawful” (Punch, Jan 17, 2025).

    The midnight raid didn’t stop there. On the 2nd of May, 2025, EFCC also raided different houses at midnight at Premier Layout, Enugu, where over 30 young persons were arrested and interrogated.

    What annoys many both in Nigeria and the global world is that the commission is aware of some extant laws such as Section 37 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, Section 144(1) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) 2015, Section 37 of the Evidence Act 2011, Section 34 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act, which all stipulated both the rights of law enforcement agencies/commissions and that of the citizens, yet they always flaunt them. Why a commission established by law manages to disobey the law or use the law as a sword instead of a shield is what Nigerians and the global world need to know.

    However, questions that any progressive-minded Nigerian would always ask are: why is EFCC going against itself? Who are they serving? Are they actually living up to the expectations or doing otherwise? How do Nigerians see them? What do Nigerians feel about their work?

    The answers to these questions would help our lawmakers and notable Nigerians to know whether the commission is still necessary or should outrightly be disbanded.

  • End Weaponized Governance – By Oseloka H. Obaze

    End Weaponized Governance – By Oseloka H. Obaze

    “Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely,” is a cliché which might have lost its instructive value in contemporary governance.  This is more so, as some serving national leaders are exhibiting their true colours; while masking as democrats.  “Power reveals who a leader is.”   As evinced in some countries, we’ve witnessed blurred definitional lines between democratic leaders and unmasked autocratic leaders. Arguably, integrity or corruption is habitual default for power wielders.

    Nigeria confronts a national crisis and a peacetime existential threat. Governance has been extremely ethnified and weaponized.  Of that, there is no debate, despite expedient rationalizations. Happenings in Nigeria are dreadfully peculiar. The situation needs to be remedied urgently. In whole or in parts, Nigeria is in deep trouble. As such, there can be no conscientious objectors to the rescue mission, which must start now.

    Northern Nigeria is a mess. There is insecurity, poverty, communal conflicts, and food crisis in the three zones of the monolithic North, where banditry, insurgency and ungoverned spaces are also rife. The disappearance of the hides and skins industries, the groundnut pyramids, renowned textiles and tin ore industries, and now, the farms that were erstwhile national food basket were not orchestrated by outsiders. Kano once produced canned Jollof rice and egusi soup. Not anymore! It’s incumbent on the Northern leaders past and present to accept responsibility for such expansive crisis. Remediation will start with Northern leaders accepting their fault. Their blame game is defeatist.

    South-Eastern Nigeria is in a morass; and fraught with insecurity, criminality and a bested mindset. Its commerce suffers immeasurably.  Its industries have collapsed or moved to safer climes. Her financial capital, clout and culture have taken flight and are now domiciled outside the zone. The incumbent governors are all too knowing, to heed counsel or show humility.  They rule, but hardly govern. They have not managed indigenous recidivism well. They seem averse to joint-ventures and working cohesively in the interest of the zone. The moneybags from the zone contribute vicariously to the present impasse.  They tend to equate personal wellbeing and purchased security to collective wellbeing and collective security.  That disposition is most insidious. The zone is literarily deserted. It’s now a charnel house –a necropolis– where only the courageous return only to bury their dead.

    The South-South zone, suffers from leadership schizophrenia. Unarguably, the richest of the seven political zones, it is blighted by environmental despoilment and mired in underdevelopment. Their past leaders frittered away their commonwealth while chasing elusive power at the centre. The citizens are neither allowed to enjoy their rightful oil wealth or to peaceably govern themselves. The zone is collectively worse off for it. Their mercenaries masking as key stakeholders, are neither good leaders nor good citizens.

    South-Western Nigeria is now in-charge of national leadership. It suffers from insularity complex. Most regrettably, their understanding of national leadership bona fides, credentials and focus, negates the core leadership values and vision of Obafemi Awolowo and the inherent pragmatism that guided Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria, as a soldier and then as a civilian president. The present South-Western-led national government has weaponized governance as never before. The utmost danger is inherent in the prevailing delusional pretenses and deafening silence from that zone.  The road to perdition has never been so apparent.

    The Tinubu-Shettima government has been in office for two years. During that period, we have watched the Nigerian federation mentally, physically and progressively fractionize, as equity and national unity were without any caution thrown to the winds. Evidently, those who contrived the APC tag-team sold Nigerians a dummy. Acceptably, the atrocious eight years of President Muhammadu Buhari were foundational to the present governance rut and retrogression. But Nigerians can’t forget that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had promised that he would continue where Buhari stopped. In that regard, he has kept faith.

    Ironically, the select coterie of roguish cohorts and beneficiaries of the present Malgovernance, who emanate from the seven political zones, pretend that all is well. It can’t be so. Let’s speak truth to power before its way too late.

    Right now, Nigeria ticks off well on the list of indices of bad governance, notably: deception, corruption, insecurity, illiberalism, iniquitous policies, criminality, incapacitated police force, ineffective legislature and judiciary, absence of checks and balances and utter disregard for the rule of law. Nigeria has been calculatedly plunged into a debt peonage. Nationwide, most of our youths are not in employment, education or training.

    Our urban agglomerations are increasingly decrepit and burdened by rural migration and unemployment pressures. This, like grazing areas has become sources of inter-communal internecine strife. The discontent and disenfranchisement of the national population is pronounced and humongous.  APC’s promise of “renewed hope” is proscriptive and has come to naught. Certainly, there can be no part two to that promise.

    As is routine, we have entered yet another cyclical season when strange political bedfellows pally around.  They do so supposedly on non-partisan basis and in the name of alliances. But individual or primordial interests and staying politically relevant is their raison d’être.  Yet, there are universal nation-building and national interest issues that are not being proactively addressed. If Nigeria implodes, we all lose. Somalia and Libya’s fate will be child’s play. The regional and geo-strategic implications will be immense. A failed Nigeria would also be a self-fulfilling prophecy.

    Nigeria needs bold nation-building and redemptive initiatives.  If by 2027 we don’t succeed in changing the present APC leadership and government constitutionally, with a view to putting Nigeria back on the trajectory of good governance, we may not have a country thereafter.

    Under our present circumstances, from 2027 going forward requires a fit-for-purpose nationalistic leader; who is elected through a process bereft of traditional emotionalisms and based on equity. He or she will need to be supported by our various ethnicities, and a support team of erstwhile rivals for Nigeria to be governed purposefully and equitably. The mixed political configuration of South Africa’s present government is a good example. Therefore, we must constitutionally bring an end the APC government, which like no other before -military or civilian- has effectively weaponized governance to the detriment of the national population. The task won’t easy: but it’s a doable national imperative.

    Nigeria has its fractured history. But it is a multiparty democracy, not a one-party state. As such, it can ill-afford to remain the extremely fractured nation it has become.  The choice of where we go from here is clear.  The path we toe eventually will depend on hard choices. As a federated nation, we must either choose to be parochial and myopic, or sufficiently bold to seize the moment and remain one country.

    As to purpose, it remains unclear if it is indifference or incompetence that drives Tinubu’s administration lackluster performance that is running Nigeria to the ground. But this much is clear: purpose has no expiry date. For that singular reason, it’s time to end this weaponized governance. There must be an endpoint to this “insanity that decays the wise.”

    ————-

    Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

  • Theft as a National Enterprise

    Theft as a National Enterprise

    By Abdul Mahmud

    A 20-year-old housewife, Fatima Abdullahi, was docked before a Sharia Court. Her offence? Stealing foodstuff and N250,000 from her employer. The Sharia Court sits in Kano. The Sharia law will take its course. She is already shamed. The punishment for her crime is visible in the Qur’an. But, her trial will not conform to the international standards of fairness. Her guilt, unprotected by power because she is powerless as a nobody. Her desperation for freedom will be public.  She will be punished. As punishment for theft, the Court will order that her hands be cut off, consistent with the injunction of political Sharia in the north. She will weep on being sentenced.

    Elsewhere, in the cool corridors of air-conditioned offices, many thieves are stealing too. But they steal big. Call up the names on the register of big time [alleged] thieves. Ahmed Idris, former Accountant-General of the Federation, who allegedly stole N109 billion. His successor, Anamekwe Nwabuoku, is also on trial. He is accused of stealing N1.96 billion. Godwin Emefiele, former Governor of the Central Bank, is facing a catalogue of corruption charges. Contracts were awarded without process. Billions vanished. The national vault became his playground.

    Yet, for all the noise, how many of them wear handcuffs?

    Ahmed Idris is no mere man of numbers. He is a title-holder of the Daura Emirate. But not just any title-holder. Wait for it. His honorific bears a haunting irony. He is the Ajiyan Hausa, the Emirate’s symbolic custodian of its savings. The deposit. The purse. A title meant to evoke trust, restraint, stewardship, and to strengthen bond. Yet, here lies the bitter contradiction of our times: the keeper of the Emirate’s deposit is the [alleged] national vault plunderer. The hand, now entrusted to protect the granary of the Emirate, even if symbolic, is the very hand that [allegedly] emptied our country’s treasury. His title now reads like a cruel jest, a ceremonial mockery of the very values it was meant to honour. In saner societies, symbolism is sacred. In our country, it is a satire.

    There lies the paradox. The rich steal to reign; to show off and to rub their stolen wealth on the faces of honest citizens. The poor steal to eat. Though my late friend and playwright, Professor Tunde Fatunde, captured it in a different way in his biting satire, “Oga Na Tief Man” – suggesting in a way that it is only our bosses that steal. It is now clear that everyone – the rich and the poor – steals. Everybody steals. The gatekeeper steals. The messenger steals. The fuel attendant cheats you at the pump. The tailor adds money. Elders, the protectors of local mores, are land grabbers. Go to Benin City. A monarch who is apparently the king of boys now walks the Bedford Heights to the US jailhouse for wire fraud. The pastor lies. The imam collects bribes. Everyone wants something that is not theirs. This is how Fela described it in his song, Authority Stealing: “somebody don take something wey belong to another person”.

    Theft is now the national enterprise.

    It is the oil that greases every wheel. The high and mighty steal with pens and policies. Ordinary citizens steal with tricks and shortcuts. They call it “hussle”. The civil servant inflates contracts. The market woman hoards tomatoes. The customs officer under-declares imports. The voter sells his vote. The lawmaker buys it. And round our country goes in a merry-go-round of mutual theft. The oga steals the budget. The servant steals the change. The policeman collects bribes. The politician diverts funds. The civil servant “chops small.” No one is innocent. No one is shocked. Everyone expects to steal, or be stolen from. The tragedy is that citizens now call it normal.

    What began as elite corruption has trickled down. Or maybe it was always there. The difference is the scale. The rich steal in billions. The poor steal in hundreds. But both steal all the same. And both feel justified. “If I no move am, another person go move am.” Moving becomes another euphemism for theft. That is the logic. That is the rot. The consequences are clear. First, it kills trust. Who can you trust? Not the police. Not the pastor. Not the elder. Not the local chief. Not the courtiers. Not the teacher. Not the politician. Not even your neighbour. Everyone is out for themselves. Second, it kills hope. Why work hard when you can “hussle”? Why become honest when dishonesty is rewarded? Why play by the rules when the rulebook is torn? Third, it kills progress. The money meant for roads disappears. The funds for hospitals are embezzled. Schools rot. Power fails. Infrastructure decays. Our country borrows to pay salaries. Our country borrows to steal. The national debt grows. But the citizens remain poor.

    The moral collapse is total. There was once a time when shame restrained men. A time when elders frowned at corruption. When integrity mattered. When public office was an honour. Today, the thief is a role model. The looter is a chief. The bigger the loot, the louder the title. In our country, today, titles are no longer honours earned by virtue, but ornaments acquired through vice. My Etsako provenance offers one of the loudest of such titles: Oku Omolo – The sea never dries. It is meant to evoke abundance, resilience, and an endless wellspring of generosity. But in the hands of the corrupt, it has become the euphemism for bottomless theft. A celebration of plunder disguised as prosperity.

    Here, the deeper the theft, the grander the welcome. The thief returns home not in shame, but in splendour. Drums beat. Praise singers chant. Clerics pray. The community gathers, not to ask questions; but to ask for favours. No one remembers how the well was filled. Only that it overflows.

    Thus, a nation drowns in stolen waters while hailing the men who fetched them. How did our country get here? Slowly. Steadily. First, citizens excused the first thief. Then they praised him. Then they emulated him. Now, citizens encourage their children to steal. To cheat. To manipulate. They call it survival. But it is the death of the soul, of the country. Achebe said it best. A paraphrase of the late Irish patron-poet, W.B. Yeats’s “things fall apart” in his poem, The Second Coming: “The things that held us together have given way.” The moral straps of our country have snapped. Our values have collapsed. Citizens no longer know right from wrong. The house has fallen. As Karl Maier puts it: “This house has fallen”.

    But not all is lost. Citizens can still rebuild the country. But first, they must tell themselves the truth. Stealing is stealing. Whether by the gatekeeper or the governor. Whether by the clerk or the commissioner. Whether by the mechanic or the minister. Whether by Fatima or Emefiele.

    Our country and its citizens must stop decorating thieves. They must stop giving them awards. They must stop singing for them. They must stop inviting them to churches and mosques. They must stop calling them “destiny helpers.” They are criminals. Not heroes. The judiciary must act in accordance with its role. No if. The courts must bite. Not just the weak. Not just the powerless. But the high and mighty too. Justice must be blind. The law must not see pockets or positions. Only truth. The police must reform. Too many officers are gatekeepers of corruption. Roadblocks have become toll gates on our country’s highways. Bail is never free. The law is up for sale. That must end.

    Religious institutions must cleanse their altars. Too many thieves denn in the pulpits. Too many pastors preach prosperity without integrity. Too many imams pray for thieves. Religion must return to its core: truth, justice, righteousness. The civil society must rise and be active again. Too many NGOs are now fronts for corruption. Too many activists have become consultants to crooks. The media must shine the light. Not dine with darkness. Too many journalists now feast on brown envelopes. The pen must return to its calling; to expose, not  excuse. And citizens must resist. They must say no. No to vote buying. No to stolen mandates. No to stolen futures. They must reject rice-for-votes, stomach-infrastructure  politics. They must vote conscience, not stomach.

    Yes, all of this is hard;  but, it is necessary. Our country and its citizens must start small. One honest act at a time. One brave whistleblower at a time. One principled and active citizen at a time. That is how countries are rebuilt. Our country must raise a new generation. A generation that sees public office as stewardship. Not an Automated Teller Machine. A generation that understands that wealth without work is theft. That leadership without sacrifice is fraud. That power without purpose is poison. Our country must change the story of itself. From “Oga na tief man” to “Oga na servant.” From “everybody dey thief” to “some of us still dey stand clean.” From “na so Naija be” to “na so we go change Naija for good”. Our country is not cursed. Our country is corrupt. Our country is not poor. Our country is poorly managed. Ours is not the absence of wealth. It is the abundance of thieves.

    I fathom no illusion here. If Fatima Abdullahi must face justice, then so must the Ahmed Idrises and Emefieles. If the petty thief must be jailed, then the economic saboteur must be punished. The arc of the moral universe must bend toward justice for the big and small thieves and for our country. This house has fallen. But it can be rebuilt. Brick by brick. Truth by truth. One honest citizen at a time. That is the only hope. That is the only path forward to redemption.

    “Oga na tief man”.

    But so are the ordinary citizens who turn blind eyes to the thievery around them.

  • Enugu: Two Years of Mbah’s Obsession with Building Infrastructure

    Enugu: Two Years of Mbah’s Obsession with Building Infrastructure

    By Uche Anichukwu

    When Dr. Peter Mbah unveiled his manifesto at the Peter Mbah Law Auditorium of the Godfrey Okoye University, Enugu, on October 13, 2022, many were quick to point out what they felt were typographical errors in the document. Among the assumed typos were his promise to construct 10,000km of roads in four to eight years, restore public water to Enugu city in 180 days, move the state from 58 per cent poverty index to zero per cent poverty headcount, and grow the state’s economy from $4.4 billion to $30bn GDP also in four to eight years. Frankly, even among his campaign team were his genuine supporters, who often wondered if their candidate was not overpromising, given the economic crunch plummeted oil proceeds that had also whittled down receipts from Federation Account.

    Two years after he was sworn in as governor, pessimism and anguish have been overcome by joy and hope. The conversation has shifted from “He is promising too much,” to “He is doing too much at a time.”

    When he rejigged the 2023 Appropriation Law (Budget) upon assumption of office, providing for the construction and reconstruction of 71 urban roads in the state capital and 10 interstate roads, people thought it was what is called “Initial gra-gra” (initial show of muscle/seriousness) in local parlance, which Nigerians have become used to. But to their surprise, by his first anniversary, he had completed and commissioned all the 71 urban roads.

    Before they could digest it, Governor Mbah had presented the 2024 budget estimates where he not only showed a radical devotion to capital projects but also redefined budgeting in Nigeria. Before his administration, Enugu State’s total budget hovered around N100bn and N120bn with capital expenditure of about N30bn, representing a capital expenditure to budget ratio of about 25 to 35 per cent. But in his first full year budget (2024 Appropriation Law), which was a record N521.5bn, he devoted N414.3bn to Capital Expenditure (representing 79 per cent of the budget) and N107.2 billion (representing 21 per cent of the budget) to Recurrent Expenditure. This gained several editorial comments by leading national dailies.

    Yet again, he took it a notch higher in another record-breaking N971bn 2025 Appropriation Law. The budget has N837.9bn (86 per cent of the budget) earmarked for Capital Expenditure, while Recurrent Expenditure got N133.1bn (just 14 per cent of the entire budget). This radical departure is unprecedented here in Nigeria. The result is that today, Enugu has become a huge construction site with over 800km of roads already in the bag. Apart from the already completed aforementioned 71 urban roads and other additions that brought them to 90, the initial 10 rural and inter local government/state roads are progressing greatly. He equally flagged off the construction of additional 141 urban and 20 gateway roads in October 2024.

    These roads are equally strategic. For instance, with the 40km Owo-Ubahu-Amankanu-Ikem Road, people travelling from Ebonyi, Cross Rivers, and some parts of Enugu do not need to travel all the way to 9th Mile Corner to get to Obollo Afor, as it would serve as a gateway to the Northern region. The 43.7km Penoks-Abakpa Nike-Ugwogo-Nike-Opi Nsukka Road with streetlights will reduce travel time, address whatever is left of insecurity on that road, and help grow the economy. The ongoing dualisation of the 22km Enugu-Abakaliki federal road will solve the agony of gridlock and travel time to Abakaliki and reduce travel time between both capital cities.

    In the education sector, the administration is constructing 260 Smart Green Schools, 30 of which were already completed by December 2024 and commissioned by President Bola Tinubu during his official visit to the state in January. Because Mbah believes that “a nation cannot develop beyond the quality of its educational system and human capital,” the Smart Green Schools represent a quotum leap that places emphasis on Experiential Learning, a hands-on learning approach where individuals gain knowledge and skills through direct experience and reflection. The administration is also constructing a Science, Technical and Vocational Schools, STVCS, in each of the eight Federal Constituencies. The one situated at Government Technical College, Enugu is virtually ready.

    According to the Executive Secretary, Enugu State Primary Healthcare Development Agency, Dr. Ifeyinwa Anih-Osheku, the administration inherited a total of 557 Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs) out of which 457 (85 per cent) needed a total reconstruction or major renovation. Consequently, the administration is constructing a Type 2 PHC in each of the 260 wards. Every PHC is furnished with modern equipment, powered by renewable energy, and has quarters for health workers to 24-hour service.

    Understanding that security is at the heart of any progress, the Mbah Administration constructed what has been adjudged the biggest and most sophisticated Command and Control Centre in the part of Africa. The hi-tech security infrastructure is greatly responsible for the well attested improvement of security in the state. It is linked by fibre optic cables to AI-enabled, thermal cameras that are capable of facial and plate number recognition.These cameras were installed across the metropolis and in the state for full surveillance. There are also over 150 vehicles equipped with the same quality of cameras. They are manned by the Distress Response Squad (DRS), a specialised police unit.

    In the tourism sector, he has already completed the 5,000-seater International Conference Centre, ICC, which was abandoned in its skeletal form and stripped since the initiator, former governor, Chimaroke Nnamani, left office in 2007. Mbah wants to bring 3 million visitors to the state each year and also reposition Enugu as the conferencing capital of Africa. So, he understood the need to quickly complete it. It was commissioned by President Tinubu in January.

    Again, he understands the connection between making Enugu an aviation hub (he has already procured three aircraft for a start) and making Enugu a conference capital. Consequently, he is building a 350-room 5-star hotel at the ICC that will be ready in a few months. The long-abandoned Hotel Presidential, which became a grazing field for cows and rendezvous for criminals, is about 90 per cent completed.

    He has also constructed five modern transport terminals at Holy Ghost, Nsukka, Gariki, and Abakpa Nike, ready for commissioning. Furthermore, he has equally procured 200 CNG buses and 2,000 city taxis that will be launched very shortly.

    At the same time, work is ongoing, fast, at the nearly 10,000-hectre New Enugu City, which construction he flagged off in October 2024. A smart city, it will host some of the tallest skyscrapers in Africa.

    An elderly woman was travelling to the township in a lorry (Gwongwolo) in those good old days. Older people would recall that passengers usually sat in rows of thick planks facing the rear. She saw a Volkswagen Beetle speeding up to the lorry and wondered how the little “motor” thought it could overtake the big lorry. But the Beetle did. She then screamed in wonderment that if this little ‘motor’ could overtake the big lorry at this age, then it would probably be flying when it grows up.

    With nearly 2,000 ongoing and completed projects across the 260 political wards of Enugu State, Ndi Enugu see and discuss Mbah as a project freak, who is obsessed with building infrastructure. So, if Ndi Enugu danced in frenzy at Okpara Square on May 29th when they trouped out to felicitate the governor during his second anniversary, it is because they know that if Mbah could do this much in just two years, then the sky would be the state’s starting point in the next six years. It would rival Dubai, and its economy would rank among the top economies in Africa. That is the power of vision!

    Happy second anniversary, His Excellency, Dr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, our own Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum.

    Anichukwu is Governor Peter Mbah’s media aide

  • Special Op-Ed: The Future of Democracy in West Africa

    Special Op-Ed: The Future of Democracy in West Africa

    By Abdul Mahmud

    The democratic experiment in West Africa, once heralded as a beacon of postcolonial hope and civic renewal, is now teetering on the edge of collapse. A sub-region praised for its cautious embrace of multiparty systems, free press, and constitutional governance is increasingly defined by military coups, rampant kleptocracy, eroding civil liberties, and deepening economic despair. These are not the birth pangs of a fledgling democracy but the death throes of a failed experiment. West Africa stands at a historic crossroads, where the question is no longer whether democracy can thrive, but whether it can survive at all.

    Nearly thirty-five years have passed since the Commonwealth’s Harare Declaration lifted its banner of hope over the African continent, proclaiming a vision of democratic renewal and participatory governance. A year earlier, the Arusha Conference,  which adopted the African Charter on Popular Participation, emphasised the fact that it is the absence of democracy that is at the core  of Africa’s development crisis. Yet, today, that vision lies in ruins, abandoned in some places, and in others, so hollowed out that it survives only as a ritual of empty gestures, while states lie prostrate at the lower rungs of underdevelopment. The democratic struggles it once inspired, borne on the backs of ordinary citizens yearning for dignity and voice, have withered under the weight of betrayal. Where democracy has not vanished entirely, it has been vulgarised, reduced to a decorative fiction, stripped of its emancipatory substance. It now serves, in many quarters, not as a bulwark of freedom but as a tool of domination: a revisionist enterprise, co-opted by political elites and the bourgeois establishment, who wield its symbols to sanctify their power. What citizens are witnessing is the appropriation of democratic legitimacy to uphold values, interests, and practices that bear no resemblance to the democratic ideal. A point that the late Nigerian thinker, Claude Ake, gave profound clarity to in his book, ‘The Feasibility of Democracy in Africa’. To Ake, this emptying out of democracy and the conversion of its contents into means that legitimise deeply anti-democratic ends repudiate the very representative essence of the demos by “appropriating democratic legitimacy for political values, interests and practices that are no way democratic”. The vocabulary of this pre-eminent thinker still speaks to the truth today, now that all of democracy but its soul has been exiled by the ‘New West African democrats’ who continue to trivialise the demos. Hear Ake: “It is no wonder that democracy is in crisis today, even as we celebrate what we perceive as the triumphant march of democracy to every part of the world. What looks like thetriumph of democracy is actually the other side of its trivialization, its domestication to the point in which it can be embraced by power elites all over the world because it is too tame to threaten them”.

    A Subregion in Democratic Regress

    The optimism of the 1990s, when multiparty elections and civilian rule swept across West Africa, has given way to widespread disillusionment. Countries such as Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire once held promise as democratic exemplars. Today, even these nations are plagued by election-related violence, judicial manipulation, or the dangers of judicial selectorate as my friend, Professor Chidi Odinkalu, described it in his new book, ‘The Selectorate: When Judges Topple the People’, and the shrinking civic space. More worrying is the recurrence of military coups in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, and Niger between 2020 and 2023. These coups are not isolated events but symptoms of deeper structural decay.

    In Mali, the military seized power in August 2020, citing the failures of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita to tackle corruption and insecurity. The coup was initially welcomed by citizens fatigued by poor governance. However, the military soon reneged on its promise of a swift civilian transition. A second coup occurred in May 2021, consolidating Colonel Assimi Goita’s control. Rather than restoring order, Mali slipped into deeper instability, with elections repeatedly postponed and the military accepting the support of foreign mercenaries. Guinea followed in September 2021 with Colonel Mamady Doumbouya overthrowing President Alpha Conde, who had controversially amended the constitution to secure a third term. Doumbouya framed the coup as a corrective, promising to restore democracy. Yet, more than two years on, Guinea remains under military rule. The roadmap to civilian transition is murky, while political repression and arbitrary detentions have intensified. Burkina Faso endured two coups in 2022. The first in January ousted President Roch Marc Christian Kabore, blamed for failing to stem jihadist violence. In September, Captain Ibrahim Traore deposed the interim leader, citing the same security concerns. Under Traore, civil liberties have deteriorated further, political parties have been suspended, and there is no clear pathway to elections. The military has offered stability in name only. Niger’s 2023 coup, led by General Abdourahamane Tchiani, shocked observers who viewed the country as a bulwark of democracy. President Mohammed Bazoum had made strides in strengthening institutions. However, internal divisions, elite infighting, and perceptions of foreign interference created fertile ground for military takeover. The junta dissolved the constitution, suspended democratic institutions, and embarked on a campaign of repression. Côte d’Ivoire offers a revealing glimpse into the duplicitous face of West African politics; a coin with two indistinguishable sides, where the democratic mask conceals the autocratic impulse. On one side lies the semblance of civilian rule, dressed in the regalia of constitutionalism; on the other, the creeping shadows of kleptocracy, vanishing liberties, and economic disarray, evoking the atmosphere of a military regime without the fatigue of fatigues. Democracy here is not lived, it is poorly performed. President Alassane Ouattara’s manipulation of the Ivorien Constitution to secure a controversial third term mirrored the hubris of Guinea’s Alpha Conde, revealing a pattern of civilian rulers who clothe their ambitions in legalism while defiling the spirit of constitutional rule. In recent days, the air in Côte d’Ivoire has grown heavy with uncertainty, as news of an attempted coup spread through the virtual world. What remains is not a republic in motion; but a state, caught in the quicksand of its contradictions, teetering between the theatre of democracy and the spectre of military reckoning.

    These coups reflect a broader pattern: failed governance by civilian elites has bred popular disenchantment, creating opportunities for military adventurism. But the return of the military has not yielded better governance. Instead, it has deepened authoritarianism and prolonged instability.

    The Erosion of Human Rights

    Alongside democratic regression is a stark rollback of human rights across the subregion. Freedoms of expression, assembly, and association, indicators of democratic health, are under sustained attacks. In Nigeria, the 2020 #EndSARS protests against police brutality ended in bloodshed when security forces opened fire on peaceful demonstrators at the Lekki Toll Gate. The government denied responsibility, and no meaningful accountability followed. Journalists are regularly harassed, and repressive laws such as the Cybercrime Act are used to silence dissent. In Guinea, both Conde’s administration and the current military regime have used state violence to crush opposition. Civil society actors, journalists, and political leaders face harassment, arrest, and exile. The promised return to constitutional rule remains elusive. Mali’s junta has restricted press freedom, expelled critical journalists, and banned opposition gatherings. In Burkina Faso, military authorities have suspended political parties, limited media access, and detained civil society leaders. Across the subregion, repression has replaced reform.

    Economic Despair and Social Breakdown

    At the core of West Africa’s democratic decline lies deep economic malaise. The postcolonial promise of development and prosperity remains largely unfulfilled. Instead, inequality, unemployment, and poverty have worsened.

    Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, remains a paradox of wealth and want. Despite vast oil reserves, over 133 million Nigerians live in multidimensional poverty. Corruption, subsidy mismanagement, and weak institutions have undermined development. Inflation and naira devaluation have eroded purchasing power, deepening hardship. Ghana, once seen as a model of economic progress, experienced its worst crisis in 2022. Public debt ballooned, inflation surged beyond 50%, and the cedi collapsed. The government was forced to seek an IMF bailout, sparking public protests and eroding trust in political leadership. In Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, economic despair is even more acute. Chronic underdevelopment, youth unemployment, and poor infrastructure have left large swathes of the population vulnerable. Extremist groups exploit these conditions, offering money and security in exchange for allegiance. Where governments fail, armed groups fill the vacuum.

    A demographic explosion compounds the crisis. West Africa’s population is young, with over 60% under the age of 25. These youths face bleak futures, limited opportunities, and systemic neglect. Many migrate through perilous routes or join insurgencies in search of identity and income. Democracy, in their eyes, is a failed promise. No wonder many celebrate the military interregnum in many of these states.

    The Postcolonial Crisis of the State

    The modern West African state is rooted in colonial legacy. Designed for control rather than inclusion, many states have failed to evolve into functional democracies. Centralised authority, exclusionary politics, and ethnic fragmentation continue to define governance. Despite being a federation, Nigeria’s federal government dominates resource allocation and policy direction. This fuels agitation for regional autonomy and ethnic nationalism. In Mali and Burkina Faso, state failure in peripheral regions has facilitated jihadist insurgencies. Legal and constitutional frameworks are routinely subverted to entrench incumbents. Alpha Conde and Alassane Quattara’s respective manipulation of Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire’s constitutions for third terms are cases in point. In Senegal, fears of similar manipulation by President Macky Sall sparked widespread unrest.

    The state is often treated as a personal estate by ruling elites. Public offices are used to distribute patronage and consolidate power, not to serve the people. This distortion of the social contract erodes legitimacy and fosters conflict.

    Irresponsible Elites and the Collapse of Moral Leadership

    The greatest tragedy of West African democracy is the crass irresponsibility of its elites. Rather than serving as custodians of the public good, they have become predators who pillage state resources, rig elections, and undermine institutions. This elite failure has deep roots. The early post-independence years saw idealistic nationalists replaced by authoritarian rulers. In Nigeria, successive military regimes institutionalised corruption. In Togo, the Eyadema dynasty presided over decades of kleptocracy. Even in supposedly democratic Ghana and Senegal, political elites have been implicated in grand corruption.

    Today, political parties function less as vehicles for ideology and more as platforms for personal gain. Elections are marred by vote-buying, violence, and judicial compromise. Civil service appointments are based on loyalty, not merit. Infrastructure contracts are inflated, mismanaged, or abandoned. Citizens increasingly view their leaders with cynicism. The distinction between civilian politicians and military juntas is blurring. Both are seen as looters: one in uniform, the other in traditional garb. This perception delegitimises democracy and fuels instability.

    Military Coups: A False Messiah

    The resurgence of military coups raises a fundamental question: does the future of West Africa lie in military adventurism? For many citizens, coups appear to offer an escape from corrupt civilian rule. But this is a dangerous illusion. Historically, military regimes in Africa have not delivered good governance. From Samuel Doe in Liberia to Ibrahim Babangida in Nigeria, juntas have often been more repressive, corrupt, and incompetent than the civilians they replaced. In today’s West Africa, the pattern is repeating. Mali’s junta has failed to restore security or hold elections. Burkina Faso is sliding deeper into authoritarianism. Guinea’s military rulers are consolidating power rather than transitioning. Niger’s junta has alienated international partners and curtailed civil liberties.

    Military regimes lack legitimacy, institutional competence, and long-term vision. They thrive on coercion, not consensus. Their rise reflects democratic failure, but they are not a solution.

    Reclaiming the Future: Toward Democratic Renewal

    The future of West Africa must be anchored in a rediscovery of democracy, not as a mere slogan mouthed in conference halls or election campaigns, but as a lived ethic, a tapestry of values, norms, and institutions that give dignity to governance and voice to the governed. In my estimation, true democracy must transcend procedural rituals; it must inhabit the daily experience of justice, equity, and accountability. Some scholars have rightly questioned the transplantation of Western liberal democracy onto African soil, arguing that its values often fail to resonate with indigenous political cultures. Yet, the deeper tragedy lies not in the foreignness of these borrowed ideals, but in the corrosive alternatives offered by the subregion’s governing elites. What they seek to elevate in place of liberal democracy is not a grounded African ethos of communal justice or participatory governance; but a toxic blend of patronage, authoritarianism, and impunity, masquerading as cultural authenticity. In truth, it is not foreign values that imperil democracy in West Africa, but the cynical deployment of culture to sanctify corruption and silence dissent.

    All of this demands not just sober reflections, but an urgent reimagining of the kind of reforms that can anchor democratisation in the subregion on solid ground; a terra firma both firm and fertile. These reforms must reach across multiple frontiers, whether political, economic, cultural, or institutional and lay the foundation for a democratic ethos that is not only resilient, but resonant with the lived realities and aspirations of West African peoples. Admittedly, one might argue that democratisation in the subregion has either yet to begin in any substantive sense or, more starkly, that it never truly began at all. What passed for democratic transition was often a facade, an illusion draped in electoral rituals, beneath which old authoritarian impulses and exclusionary politics continued to thrive. As a starter, electoral integrity must be restored through credible, transparent, and inclusive processes. Independent electoral commissions should be protected from political interference, vote counting must be transparent, and peaceful transitions of power must become the norm. Equally, judicial independence must be defended to act as a counterweight to executive overreach and electoral injustice. The rule of law must also be upheld. Anti-corruption agencies should be strengthened and insulated from the whims of political power. Whistleblowers deserve protection, citizens must have access to public information, and civic education should be prioritised to build democratic literacy from the grassroots. There must be a renewed push for economic justice. Inclusive development that prioritises youth employment, equitable resource distribution, and basic service delivery is essential. States must be seen to work. They must deliver education, healthcare, and infrastructure efficiently and with integrity, if faith in democratic systems is to be rebuilt. Civil society must be free to organise, criticise, and innovate. Journalists, activists, and ordinary citizens must be protected in their efforts to hold power to account. A robust, independent media is essential not only as a check on government excesses but also as a forum for public dialogue.

    Finally, the role of regional and international actors remains crucial. The African Union and ECOWAS must go beyond mere rhetoric and enforce clear, consistent standards for democratic governance. Foreign partners, too, must rethink their engagements while prioritising good governance over security partnerships that often entrench authoritarianism.

    Ballots, Not Bullets

    West Africa stands at a critical juncture. The democratic experiment is faltering under the weight of elite irresponsibility, economic despair, and postcolonial contradictions. The military’s return is not a solution, it is a symptom of failure. But the future is not predetermined. Citizens across the region have shown courage and resilience from the streets of Lagos during #EndSARS to the protests in Dakar and Conakry. The desire for dignity, justice, and accountable governance endures. Democracy must be rebuilt from the ground up. It must be anchored in values, sustained by institutions, and defended by citizens. The ballot box, not the barrel of a gun, must shape West Africa’s destiny.

    Let me return to where I began.

    The so-called democratic experiment in West Africa, once celebrated as a beacon of postcolonial hope and civic renewal, is now precariously balanced on the precipice of collapse. The subregion, once lauded for its tentative but promising embrace of multiparty politics, a free press, and constitutional rule, has become increasingly synonymous with military takeovers, unchecked kleptocracy, the erosion of civil liberties, and an ever-deepening economic gloom.

    The questions endure: will West Africa learn from the burdens of its past and reclaim the promise of democracy that has never taken root in the subregion, nor did it ever present itself as a promise in the first place? Where lies the future of democracy in West Africa?

    But, first, before I proffer some an answer, let me provide some clarity and a summary on the falsehood passed off as democracy in the subregion.

    Democracy endures as a luminous ideal and a contested practice. As an idea, it remains unsullied in the subregion: a timeless aspiration towards liberty, justice, and the collective shaping of destiny. It has not failed. Nor has it become dated in the face of modern challenges. Rather, it is the practice of democracy presented as civil rule that has faltered under the weight of elite manipulation and institutional decay. Across the subregion, the promise of democracy is habitually masked by a ruling class deeply threatened and unsettled by its demands. True democracy thrives on transparency, accountability, and popular participation; principles that unsettle those who govern through patronage, impunity, and inherited power. In their hands, civil rule is often emptied of democratic substance and refashioned into a facade: a hollow performance that mimics the rituals of democratic life while evading its responsibilities. This distortion breeds disillusionment. When citizens, long betrayed by civilian governments masquerading as democracies, look to the military as saviours, it is not out of ideological conviction but out of existential despair. The coups in Mali, Guinea, Niger, Chad, and Burkina Faso are not triumphs of military doctrine, but desperate responses to a system so degraded that even jackboots appear preferable to Gucci men’s horsebit leather loafers. In such circumstances, military rule is not embraced as a solution, but tolerated as a pragmatic reprieve, if not a dangerous reaction to the farce of governance presented in democratic clothing. To conflate civil rule with democracy is to mistake the mask for the face in a manner that makes it impossible to escape from the reality that the false mask imposes. And to blame democracy based on the failures of its counterfeit is to indict the innocent for the crimes of the guilty. What the subregion suffers is not the death of democracy, but its betrayal by those who swear oaths to defend it.

    Now, I return to the answer, even if briefly.

    The answer, which appears implicit already, lie not in the silence of the barracks, but in the awakened hearts of citizens.

  • 2027 and the Opposition’s Test

    2027 and the Opposition’s Test

    By Abdul Mahmud 

    A few days ago, opposition leaders gathered in Abuja. They called it a national political summit. Their mission was clear: to take back political power in 2027. In speeches laced with urgency and ambition, they signaled the start of a political war to win the hearts of the electorates. At the heart of this new resolve is the burning question: can the opposition really defeat Bola Tinubu’s ruling APC? On the surface, the resolve looks like a noble dream, and the mere push of love for power. But, dreams alone don’t win elections; or as my friend, Ayisha Osori, puts it more poignantly in her book, ‘Love Does Not Win Elections’. Power doesn’t fall into laps. It is taken through strategy, sacrifices, and unity. The opposition coalition must face the uncomfortable truths. They must ask themselves: are we truly ready? Or we are merely taking the citizens who are desperate to escape Tinubu’s nightmare for the ride?

    Right now, the opposition space is fragmented. The PDP, the biggest opposition party, is a shadow of its former self. Its governors bicker in public. Others inside it wear the party’s colours on their sleeves, yet their hearts beat the drums of power inside the ruling party where their personal selfish interests whisper louder than party loyalty and allegiance. Its presidential candidate in the 2023 election appears not to have a foothold on the party. The Labour Party, once the surprise of the last election, is struggling with identity and cohesion. Peter Obi remains popular, but his party lacks depth. Enter Sowore who has consistently presented himself as an insurgent at the gates of neoliberal power; and whose party, the African Action Congress, AAC , conflates radical struggles with petit bourgeois liberalism, and with ill-fitting rhetoric. In seeking to marry the fire of radicalism with bourgeois politics, Sowore mistakes the fact that he is operating within a bourgeois neoliberal political order for a radical political environment, with the presence of revolutionary conditions. He has to operate inside the coalition, posing an objective modernity that is rooted in emancipatory politics or what the British sociologist, Anthony Giddens, describes as “engagements concerned with the liberation from inequality”. Though, internal rifts and ego battles often threaten to reduce opposition coalition to a personal cult rather than a national political force organising for power, how the opposition coalition deals with the rifts over personal ambitions matters in aggregating unity within itself.

    There is a fundamental truth that I must lay bare here – one so central that it ought to serve as the rallying cry for all aggrieved citizens: that within the opposition coalition lies the last viable platform upon which their collective aspirations can be realised. It is not merely a political alignment, but a covenant of common purpose, the big tent under which the dispossessed, the disillusioned, and the determined can find both voice and vision. The orchestrated gale of defections, engineered from the commanding heights of power in our country, has done more than disrupt party lines; it has helped drain the political swamp, clarifying the landscape into a vivid binary: on one side, those content to watch the nation stagger deeper into the mire of misery and ruin; on the other, those resolved to staunch the bleeding and set the republic on the path of recovery and rebirth. This is no longer a matter of mere politics; it is a moral referendum. A battle between light and darkness, justice and impunity, hope and despair. The choice is stark, and the hour is upon us. I am in that hour and have chosen to be on the side of the opposition coalition.

    But, there is this familiar story worth retelling here that the opposition coalition can learn from elsewhere. One that mirrors the fate of Cambodia’s now-defunct opposition. In Cambodia, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, CPP, led by Hun Sen, waged a quiet and effective war of attrition. It didn’t need to defeat the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) at the polls. It simply dismantled it. First, by using the courts to de-legitimise it. Then by orchestrating defections and stripping the party of its core. In 2017, the CNRP was dissolved by the Supreme Court. By then, its leaders were in exile or in prison. The party was gone. And so was any real challenge to Hun Sen’s rule. The opposition faces a similar threat. A sinister ministerial order to ‘close the shop’ dangles like a noose around the neck of the PDP, whose national secretariat in Abuja now sits under lock and key – sealed off for alleged non-payment of ground rent. Yet, beneath this ministerial veil of legalism lies the darker pretext: a crude attempt to slam-dunk the party out of existence, not through the ballot, but through the backdoor of state power wielded as vendetta. Also, APC is slowly drawing away influential voices. Defections are gathering momentum. Every defection erodes credibility. It tells voters that the opposition cannot protect or reward loyalty. And as it stands, neither PDP nor Labour has a coherent strategy to prevent further haemorrhage.

    But, defections are just one part of the challenge. The larger problem lies in the opposition’s inability to define itself. What does it stand for? Why should our citizens trust it? Removing Tinubu is not a vision. Citizens want to know what comes after. They want to know how the opposition coalition will end hunger, grow jobs, rebuild institutions, secure lives and secure their country. It is this clarity that is still missing. Though it isn’t late yet to pose and give clarity to all of this.

    The contrast with Senegal is instructive. In 2024, the Senegalese opposition did what many believed was impossible. It defeated the ruling elite and produced the country’s youngest president. This wasn’t luck. It was the result of years of tireless grassroots organising, unity, and ideological clarity. Even when their main figure, Ousmane Sonko, was jailed, the movement endured. The opposition didn’t collapse under pressure. Instead, it grew stronger. It didn’t focus on personalities. It focused on change. That discipline, that resilience, is what turned a protest movement into a governing force. The opposition coalition and its supporters and promoters continue to make elections about individuals. The Atiku-Obi rift cost the opposition dearly in 2023. Instead of presenting a united front, they split the base. Kwankwaso’s ambitions added another fracture. The APC didn’t win because it was popular. It won because the division allowed it to work and game the electoral process in a fraudulent way.

    And now, with 2027 on the horizon, that same lack of coordination is creeping back in. The Abuja summit was the first step. I welcome it, warts and all. But, walking the talk becomes cheap, a mirage, when unity of purpose is absent. Walking the talk begins with shared sacrifices. Someone must be willing to step aside. As Ousmane Sonko did in Senegal last year. Someone must lead the charge. As Diomaye Faye did. Others must fall in line. That’s the nature of coalition politics.

    Coalitions aren’t new to Africa. In Ghana, the National Democratic Congress has built enduring strength through consistent messaging and grassroots work. In Kenya, Raila Odinga’s ability to unify various political camps, despite internal contradictions, shows that coalition-building can deliver momentum. Our opposition coalition leaders must stop seeing each other as rivals and start behaving like allies. They need a memoranda of understandings. On consensus. On ambition. Not the ones signed in hotels but those signed in action. The practical roadmaps with timelines, benchmarks, and compromises. The opposition coalition must also overcome another major weakness: its detachment from the masses. Our citizens want change, but they don’t want elite quarrels. They want food, security, dignity, and a country that works for all. The Senegalese opposition understood this. They mobilised students, unions, and rural farmers. They protested. They forced the state to listen. The opposition coalition is still too focused on media sound bites and elite meetings.

    There’s also a lesson from the Philippines. Rodrigo Duterte didn’t come from the traditional elite. He spoke plainly. He sounded like the people. He wasn’t polished, but he was relatable. That authenticity gave him power. Behind him was a campaign machine that knew how to touch nerves. His supporters built online armies. They controlled narratives. They sold hope. He defeated an entrenched political dynasty because he knew how to connect with ordinary people. The opposition coalition should pay close attention. In 2023, the opposition tasted the power of social media. But it wasn’t enough. Opposition coalition doesn’t win elections alone online. It wins them in the cities, towns, villages, and hamlets. It wins them by convincing the citizens and build the coalition of the aggrieved around them. It wins them by building trust, one handshake with the citizens at a time. And it must organise, not just mobilise. Mobilisation is what serious opposition coalition does before elections. Organisation is what it builds between elections. The opposition coalition needs ward structures, data, election monitors, logistics hubs. It needs to recruit and train volunteers. It needs to know every local issue, every polling unit, and every INEC officer to deliver the message: rig and die. It doesn’t win elections by outrage; it wins by converting citizens’ outrage into protective bulwarks against rigging. It wins by planning.

    Time is not on the side of the opposition coalition. The APC has the tools of incumbency. It will play the ethnic card. Tinubu will argue that it’s still the South’s turn. The opposition must be ready to counter that narrative with a national message. It must present a pan-Nigerian ticket that appeals across the north and the south, across religion, across class. It must also confront the demons within. Ego, ethnicity, and ambition are the three poisons destroying the opposition. Too many leaders think they are saviours. They are unwilling to compromise. They want to lead, even if it means losing. That mindset must change. Politics is not about personal fulfilment. It’s about service. Those who cannot accept this should step aside.

    Ambition will also be a test, with eyes are on 2027. Atiku may run again. Obi is interested. Kwankwaso wants relevance. But there is only one ticket. Unless these men can sit together, agree on terms, and stick with them, the ruling party will coast to victory again. More importantly, the opposition coalition must also take defections seriously. Loyalty must be rewarded. Structures must be protected. There should be clear rules. Crossing to the ruling party shouldn’t be treated as a mere political mischief. It should be political treason. Voters must be made to see defectors as traitors, not heroes. That requires narrative control. It requires discipline. It requires a clear sense of identity.

    And that leads to the final point: the battle of stories. Every election is a contest of narratives. The opposition coalition must invest in storytelling. They must define the 2027 election before APC does. They must control the message. Not just in English, but in Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, and Pidgin. They must craft a story of hope and urgency. A story that says: 2027 is about saving our country. They must tell this story in markets, at bus stops, on radio, on TikTok, Twitter, Instagram and Facebook. They must reach the old and the young. They must inspire, but also instruct. They must be clear about what they will do differently. And they must say it often.

    History shows that opposition coalitions don’t win by accident. They win because they plan, they unite, they learn. Cambodia shows what happens when an opposition coalition doesn’t protect its base. Senegal shows what’s possible when it does. The Philippines shows how one man with a message can change the game. The opposition coalition still has time. But not much. If it starts now, I mean truly starts now, it can build something powerful. If not, the summit in Abuja will be just another jamboree. And 2027 will be a repeat of 2023- with stolen ballots and all that jazz.

    Our citizens are waiting, watchful, weary, but not without hope. The youths, disillusioned by empty rhetoric, now demand substance and not slogans. The old, mindful of the hourglass, yearn to walk hand-in-hand with the young, to pass on a country that works to the next generation before the final summons of death arrives. In this twilight of despair and flickers of hope, the opposition coalition stands at the cusp of possibility. It can give shape to these longings, give breath to a new covenant.

    I believe it, with the quiet urgency of faith.

  • A Moment of Reckoning: PDP at the Crossroads of Renewal or Ruin – By Mosimiloluwa Koye-Ladele

    A Moment of Reckoning: PDP at the Crossroads of Renewal or Ruin – By Mosimiloluwa Koye-Ladele

    The news is everywhere. In recent months, we’ve witnessed a wave of defections from the crisis-ridden People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP) to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Some of both parties’ most prominent and long-standing figures have jumped ship, accelerating the party’s descent into instability. BAT, never one to miss a moment of political theatre, described it as a natural consequence. After all, who can blame passengers for fleeing a sinking vessel?

    But is this truly the end of the PDP or could it be the beginning of its rebirth?

    This is a defining moment. If the PDP has any strategic thinkers left within its ranks, now is the time to act. The party’s past is a heavy burden, weighed down by years of misgovernance and a public perception of incompetence. But moments of crisis often offer the clearest path to transformation. This is an opportunity to completely reimagine the PDP—its soul, its identity, and its place in Nigeria’s future.

    Let’s be clear: APC is no bastion of virtue. The legacy of the Buhari administration left Nigeria with lost years and dashed hopes. Many of those now defecting into APC bring their baggage with them. What we’re witnessing might not be a victory for APC, but a moment to cleanse the PDP of political dead weight. Rather than chasing after defectors, the PDP could seize this as an opportunity to rebuild from first principles.

    Imagine a bold declaration, not just a rebrand, but a political resurrection. What if PDP paused its presidential ambitions for 2027 and instead focused solely on rebuilding its foundations? What if it embarked on a nationwide project of values-driven renewal, one anchored not by slogans, but by integrity, vision, and inclusion? To signal true intent, the party could reach out to credible, unimpeachable Nigerians to join the party – not to lure them into politics with empty titles, but to seek their input in defining a new political architecture grounded in capacity, competence, and character. These are people who cannot be bought and any serious attempt to align with such figures must come with a clear and compelling proposition, a national vision that demands seriousness, sacrifice, and long-term thinking.

    In addition to engaging these credible individuals, the PDP must also embrace strategic alliances with other parties that stand for something meaningful. To mount a credible opposition against an APC fortified by incumbency and political machinery, the PDP needs to do it with others. True strength will lie in pulling together like-minded forces, not through superficial political pacts, but through coalitions born of shared purpose and bold national ambition. The Labour Party (LP), despite its internal wranglings, must not shut its eyes to this possibility. Neither should other emerging parties committed to democratic renewal. Nigeria needs more than individual parties posturing for power, it needs a united front for real change.

    Lastly, the PDP must also intentionally create space for the next generation. Young, intelligent, pan-Nigerian, street intelligent, forward thinking and charismatic individuals, male and female must be groomed now for leadership. Nigerians are watching. They are tired of recycled politicians and discredited elites. They are searching for leaders with integrity, energy, and emotional intelligence, people who can unite a fractured country.

    If the PDP fails to take this road, what then remains? Will it stagger into the next elections fractured and uninspiring? Will it continue bleeding relevance, becoming little more than a fading memory of what once was?

    The choice is theirs to make. But history shows that parties, like nations, are either renewed, or replaced.

    I’ll let them decide.

    Mosimiloluwa is the President of the Association for Good Government and Governance and can be reached at koyesimi@gmail.com

  • 2nd Anniversary: A Glance at Mbah’s Security and Infrastructure Prism in Enugu State

    2nd Anniversary: A Glance at Mbah’s Security and Infrastructure Prism in Enugu State

    By Prince Ejeh Josh 

    When in April 2024, a syndicate – faculty and participants in the Executive Intelligence Management Course 17 of the National Institute of Security and Strategic Studies (NISS) drawn from 26 agencies of 5 African countries; Nigeria, Ghana, Gambia, Chad and Rwanda – visited the Southeast zone to understudy the state of security affairs and draw strategic comparisons with their experiences (past and present), the West African security chiefs left some indelible impressions consequent upon the observation and evaluation the data they had collated.

    Led by the directing NISS staff and syndicate supervisor, Bolarinwa Adekunle, the security team gave a graphic disconcerting observation of the state affairs in 2022 and what it was in April 2024 – less than a year after Governor Peter Mbah assumed office as the state’s security chief. Blending a panoramic imagery of a radical shift from the dreadful state of the past where renegade non-state actors held sway, unleashed reign of terror and laid siege on the nooks and crannies of the east to a state of freedom and liberation, Adekunle had this to say;

    “I came to Enugu in 2022 as a participant of this prestigious course. We arrived in Enugu on a Sunday, and on Monday, we were made to stay in our hotel. We could not go anywhere. But, today, the situation is not the same.” Simple as the terse statement might appear, the coming of Mbah into office as governor was a redefining moment not just among residents of Enugu State but the span of the Southeast enclave.

    The ante Mbah administration witnessed a state under suffocation and under the jugular of criminals who dictated the way of life of the people in what psychologists would refer as operant conditioning. It was an excruciating experience that the memory continues to haunt survivors of the ruthless villains. Life was literally shut down. Government appeared to have lost the grip of authority to the rampaging marauders. Schools were under lockdown in an apparent act of intellectual terrorism. The once burgeoning economy – market, industry, tourism – got smothered. People lived in perpetual fear. It’s a nightmare that even the relics of the Biafra war would not compare. And then came in quick succession the deafening silence of the inglorious sit-at-home where citizens and residents were forced to shudder and crouch under their bed for safety. Indeed, the governments’ authority at all levels in the southeast states was effectively strangulated by the terrorist group.

    The situation appeared irredeemable dotted with daily gunshots. Hundreds of innocent civilians and security operatives were abruptly snuffed out. Constituted authorities were undermined and even cringed in cowardice for safety across the East. Regardless, sit-at-home orders were issued at the draconian whims and caprices of criminals; some of whom issued these orders from faraway foreign lands. Paralysed with fears, residents could only blow muted trumpets while maintaining unquestionable obedience to the dictates of the miscreants. Across the cities, towns and streets were the trail of the felons – silent streets deserted like ghost towns where war had consumed every breathing flesh. Only the grunts of newborns and the chirps of birds were heard from yonder. The solitariness of life in the East of the Niger was aptly related in A.E Housman’s work, “To an Athlete Dying Young,” where residents were described as “townsman of a stiller town,” a metaphor of a city where no life, no activity, no movement existed. In his 1920’s The Second Coming, the Irish poet, W.B Yeats, painted the gory atmosphere that bedeviled the East. “Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.”

    It was in this state of confusion and anarchy that Mbah came in as governor. Dismayed by the reigns of terror, he proclaimed as unacceptable the continuous mortgage of lives of the citizens. He was resolute and committed to flushing out the hydra-headed monsters and put an end to their rampage. But like people long subjugated and mentally coerced by their tormentors, the decision to wrestle and “escort” the monsters out of the state and by extension, the Southeast zone, was resisted. They had accepted their fate of continuous whimpering. Mbah’s decision was very unpopular and the road he had decided to navigate to liberate his people was stormy.

    In 1915, Robert Lee Frost, an American poet, published his well celebrated poem, The Road Not Taken, narrated how sojourners defined their journey of life. Competing and often conflicting choices are presented amidst uncertainty. The average human being is known to take the easy and popular path that resonates with peers and countrymen often borne out of the rave of the moment. In Mbah’s governing philosophy, he is known as an unapologetic – unrepentant, rightly added, nonconformist who defied conventions in his uncanny path to dismantling traditions of inefficiency through his disruptive innovation mantra. In May 2023, Mbah mounted the rostrum as a new governor offering inaugural speech, and one take away on the lips of every listener and watcher was the “business unusual” phrase.

    When he commenced the radical architectural departure which began to disrupt the webs of underdevelopment, the conservative society was befuddled, questioning and grappling to unravel the riddles the administration was demonstrating. Months later, the recondite administrative reforms began to set the pace for an unprecedented optimism. With the security restructuring, enabled by the deployment of technology to preempt, thwart and eliminate crime the administration escorted criminal renegades out of the state. Sit-at-home became a memory consigned to the past. Life burgeons again! Economy, education, investment, infrastructure, and most importantly, emancipation from psychological slavery all became a dream fulfilled. That was the road less traveled, taken by Mbah. A sacrifice only few would muster the courage to make in the country.

    On Sunday, 16 March, I was at the Holy Trinity Catholic Church, Independence Layout, Enugu, for the Holy Mass. During the homily, the priest announced the communique issued by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria at its 1st Plenary held between 8 and 14 March in Abuja. The communique made some consequential observations on the state of the nation and called on the governments at all levels to prioritise security and safety of the citizens. Of interest was the tacit commendation of Enugu State Government over its security re-engineering which led to the deployment of high technology to fight crimes and guarantee life of the people. When the governor embarked on this journey, which today had attracted several states to Enugu to understudy the security infrastructure, it was, for many, a tall dream. Importing the American modern security system which is tech-driven and AI-enabled in gathering intelligence was probably the height of what no leader would ever imagine in the country. Mbah did. That was daring audacity of courage.

    In my recent visit to some local government areas – Nsukka, Udi, Isi Uzo, Aninri, Igboeze South, Udenu, Awgu, Igboeze North, Uzo Uwani, Ezeagu and Igboetiti to inspect some of the projects the governor is executing, I had to make an intermittent stopover to look through surveillance security system mounted in the forests with the capability to orbit and monitor the entire state in real time and feed the Command and Control Centre. It is amazing the huge security spending the government is committing to maintain this infrastructure for the safety of the people regardless of remoteness of the part of the state they live.

    This observation was corroborated by a retired army general from the Nsukka enclave – Major General Victor Ezeugwu. Speaking as discussant at a dialogue series organized by the Enugu State Coalition for Progress – Enugu North Senatorial Zone Branch, Maj. Gen. Ezeugwu recalled his experience at the Command and Control Centre, Enugu, which serves as the powerhouse where everything happening in the state is monitored through surveillance system.

    According to him, “We had a meeting with the governor two days ago – the veterans from Nsukka across the services, from the Command and Control Centre in Enugu we watched Uzo Uwani and all the forests around Uzo Uwani and other areas. At least, all of us were very amazed that he has brought technology to bear on security. We have proposed to the governor, let all these senatorial zones in Enugu have a replica of that very particular, spectacular innovation and let all the local governments also have a field of technology in addressing insecurity.” This uncommon step taken by Governor Mbah is novel in the country with Enugu serving as a model state where other subnational states are visiting.

    Only recently, a former senator from Enugu North senatorial district, Chuka Utazi, had narrated how he lost his way in the state as a result of the sudden shift in the development process which realigned the state’s landscape. The state of infrastructure was swamped with decay arising from years of leadership droughts and mismanagement. There was a great hue and cry among the residents of the state calling for intervention on the decaying state of infrastructure and total relapse of the economy.

    In just two years, the magic was done. This rather was a magical moment, used figuratively to describe the science behind the disruption witnessed in the governance model that shattered that leadership ceiling in the state. Across the 260 electoral wards of the state, landmark projects worth billions of naira are on top gear. The state transitioned from its static stature of a stunted adult to one setting a giant pace in the country. Enugu became the beautiful bride where analysts and Nigerians point to as a rallying point for good governance.

    That is a quick reminder of Ruchir Sharma’s “The Rise and Fall of Nations” which highlighted key indicators he called rules of thumbs to understanding a nation’s economic trajectory and the intentionality of triggering a shift from the cobwebs of established traditions to something novel and innovative. While the journey to disrupting the “incremental development process” became increasingly unpopular among the political leeches rationalised by their conservative prejudices was ongoing, Mbah’s will to recalibrate the state from a state belonging to a cartel of parasites to people-oriented society gives Enugu the shape it has taken in recent months.

    From restoration of security confidence to re-tooling the economy, infrastructure, human capital development, youths’ upskilling and education, Enugu shot itself into the planetoid of governance, becoming a new beacon of hope; a city on the hill. Today, Enugu has maintained that reference point for good governance as people travel from other states to behold its magnificent sites and sweeping vistas made possible by the emerging governance model. Only a leader who is not just competent and disciplined but uncannily financially prudent can muster the courage to pick a state wobbling from years of abuse and plunder and remodel it within months to the envy of its contemporaries.

    On April 29, at the Chief Emeka Anyaoku Lecture Series on Good Governance held at the Enugu International Conference Centre titled, “The Imperative of Good Governance: Nigeria in a Global Comparative Perspective”, the former Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, having toured some of the facilities such as the Hotel Presidential, Enugu Smart City, Smart Green Schools, Transport Infrastructure Centre, 300-bed Enugu International Hospital, inspection of the newly procured Compressed Natural Gas buses, among others, described the Mbah as a governor genuinely transforming the state.

    “Allow me the privilege of describing him (Mbah) as a truly performing governor. Yesterday, I was given glimpses of projects that have either been completed or in active progress towards completion. I saw an array of CNG buses at the Okpara Square. I saw Smart Green Schools, which I gather that the governor’s plan is to replicate in every electoral constituency (ward), and I learnt that there are as many as 260 of them. I was able to visit a state-of-the-art bus station at the Holy Ghost Terminal. So, I would say Governor Peter Mbah is genuinely transforming Enugu State, which used to be described as a civil service state. He is transforming it into an industrial, educational hub and agricultural innovation.”

    In describing the governor’s selfless service, the President-General of Enugu State Development Association, Igwe Abel Nwobodo, an elder statesman, referred to the inspiring transformation the state is experiencing under the current dispensation. Moving Enugu from a public service status to private-driven economy appeared insane an idea to conceive looking at the incompatibility it posed. But Mbah had not only shown its possibility, Enugu state is priding itself as an investment hub with opportunities for local and international investors.

    While those from the private and public sectors have something warm and positive to say about the governor from the prisms of his commitment and dedication to service, public servants – teachers, civil servants, retirees, local governments’ workers are not left out. They have found their voices through the governance structure set up by the Mbah administration to help them fulfill their dreams and live meaningful life. That’s the society where inclusion, equity, equality and justice reign.

    Promotions of workers as at when due, salaries and emoluments, pensions and gratuities, including other incentives are now taken for granted under Mbah’s leadership. While not stopping there, the governor marshalled what is now known as, “Rural Dwellers’ Allowance” for teachers as a way of encouraging quality education among people in rural communities.

    With the revolution happening in the agro-allied sector, 260 Smart Green Schools, 260 primary healthcare hospitals and other social services going on across all the electoral wards in the state – the first in the history of Nigeria – the coast to birthing an industrial state positioned as one of the future largest economies in Africa is a matter of time.

  • Peter’s Intangibles – By Onochie Jon-Igwesi

    Peter’s Intangibles – By Onochie Jon-Igwesi

    On Thursday, October 13, 2022, the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, for the 2023 general elections, as he then was, Dr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, at the Law Auditorium of the Godfrey Okoye University, Enugu, unveiled his manifesto before thousands of supporters.

    I recall that of the 4 major contenders in the governorship race under different political parties, Mbah was the first to present his manifesto. He would later go on to have so many firsts to his credit. I also recall that the crowd was so thronged on the day that it was difficult for bigwigs to gain entrance into the auditorium at the time.

    Back to the story – at the end of the manifesto unveiling, while he gave us metrics to gauge his tangibles, we did not know at the time that we would get more than we bargained for.

    You see, Governor Peter Mbah, like all transcendental leaders, is a premium package that comes with more as you untie it. When Mary Slessor, the Scottish missionary who arrived in Calabar, Nigeria, in 1876, came with the message of Christ’s gospel, she did not know that she was going to achieve more than soul winning – becoming the person most widely credited with significantly stopping the killing of twins.

    When Peter set out to honour his charter with the citizens of Enugu State, little did he know that beyond paved rural and urban roads; Smart schools & Type 2 Healthcare centres in all the 260 political wards of the state; several modern bus interchange; revamped transport system, inclusive of Enugu air, with 2 planes already and more likely underway; the planned intra-rail system; deployed CNG Buses and electric taxis; he would go on to achieve what he did not promise us – his intangibles.

    None, not even Peter himself, could have envisioned that after recently completing the abandoned International Conference Center, where both the Nigerian Institute of Surveyors and the Nigerian Bar Association will be hosting their conferences; after the concessioning of the Nike Lake Hotel to Landmark Africa Group; and rehabilitating most of the infrastructure by the former Premier, Dr. M.I Ọkpara, like the Hotel Presidential, Nigergas company, etc; we would gaze into the clouds to behold the beautiful rainbows of his intangibles.

    For me, I reckon that the heaviest of Peter’s intangibles is that to hail from or reside in Enugu has become a thing to be coveted, a bragging right of some sort. To come from Enugu means to be gazed upon with an admixture of envy and jealousy. To come from Enugu means to relive the nostalgia of the Enugu Rangers Football club of the 70s and yet bask in today’s euphoria of this team rebranded by Peter that tells the story of who we are. To come from Enugu means to walk the streets and see people adorn Rangers’ jerseys as though they were jerseys of English clubs. To come from Enugu means to go to the Nnamdi Azikiwe stadium on a day that Rangers will play to behold a stadium filled to the brim. To come from Enugu means to normalize the sight of international athletes participating in the city’s marathon. To come from Enugu means that while you can now go out on Mondays, walking or driving in a rebirthed capital city, fitted with day and night vision cameras, you have an Enugu State Security Trust Fund worth more than 3 billion naira, donated by private individuals and corporate bodies, giving your senses an aroma of heightened security. To come from Enugu means that you are awed by the numerous projects of today – all going on at the same time – yet knowing deep down that more brilliant projects are in the governor’s pipeline. To come from Enugu means that your state is Guinness Nigeria Plc’s first port of call in unveiling the English Premier League Trophy to the entire nation, among others.

    Consider these. Peter is relocating slum dwellers in Agu-Owa and Ugbo-Lawrence slums, two out of the 25 slums in Enugu metropolis, with the development of relocation sites at Akpuoga Nike Estate to resettle the occupants of the slums, with each of the families getting a two-bedroom flat and a Certificate-of-Occupancy to the property, all at no cost to them. Peter, together with the seventeen local government chairmen, has initiated the construction of a farm estate per ward, measuring 200 hectares. The idea is this – the council chairmen will fence the estates per ward in their respective local governments, provide equipment for mechanized farming, ensure water, electricity, settlements, etc, are available in these farms, then give farmers in each of the farm estates high yield seeds to plant. At the end of the planting season, Peter’s Enugu State government will handsomely purchase the produce from each of the farmers who are residents and indigenes of their wards, export the same and go on to share the profit from the export between the farmers in those farm estates and their local government. This is no brainchild of a simple mind.

    Peter’s mind works in a way that is esoteric. His programs defy logical reasoning so much that it makes sense to doubt them. Yet, for every ounce of doubt you share today, he makes mincemeat of it tomorrow. Reflecting, it only made sense that we did not see these coming – yet with Peter on the saddle, these seem like just a mere glimpse of the whole picture.

    On the occasion of his second anniversary, take it or leave it – Peter stands twice as tall, and months from now, when we will head to the polls to re-elect Peter in 2027, the nay-sayers will, on Enugu’s scenic hills, hear the choruses and chants of “victory at last” while the yea-sayers will sing Nathaniel Bassey’s “See what the Lord has done”.

    And so, even if in years to come, we cannot remember anything else, we will remember the gusto with which, from 2023 to 2031, we said “I am from Enugu State”. We will remember that Peter reminded us of what Democracy ought to be – a treasure trove for the people.

    Onochie Jon-Igwesi, an indigene of Enugu, writes from Omuoha-Obuoffia, Awkunanaw.

  • Implications of Not Prioritizing National Interest

    Implications of Not Prioritizing National Interest

    By Oseloka H. Obaze

    Most Nigerians contend that Nigeria is not working as it ought to. There are several reasons for this, aside from the core governance challenges. Nigeria is dysfunctional because Nigerian leaders continue to overlook soft power and intangible assets that make nations function optimally.  Furthermore, Nigerian leaders no longer prioritize national interest demands and needs. This may be because our leaders think national interest pertains only to foreign policy. If so, such thinking is counterintuitive.

    Putting Nigeria’s governance challenges in perspective requires acknowledging some political and systemic realities.  As John F. Kennedy postulated, “life of freedom is not easy and democracy is not perfect.”  Grappling with the imperfections of democracy requires consensus building, but above all, deferring to common cause and national interest priorities.  Perhaps, Nigeria is dysfunctional because her leaders don’t fit well into the holistic framework of a truly democratic state.  This assertion may be arguable, since our democratic bona-fides are still tainted by military anti-politics.

    There may yet be other rationalizations. According to Aristotle, “democracy is when the indigent and not men of properties are the rulers.”  The opposite is the case in Nigeria.  The ‘indigent’ in Nigeria are not rulers; rather they are stridently cutting corners in order to become ‘men of properties’ and join the ruling ranks. Meanwhile, those within the power-wielding circuit are most unwilling to cede any leadership space.

    Responsible statecraft demands prioritization of national interest needs. National interests consist of a country’s domestic drivers and actions that extrapolate national goals and priorities into the foreign realm. National interests are doctrinal and stand on four vital pillars: security, economic, social wellbeing and rule of law.  The ability to outsource or gain access to vital resources that drive the economy is also a key component. One factor that underpins the overall national interest mosaic is national stability.  Realizing targeted national interest priorities also undergird our independence and sovereignty.

    As experts in progressive governance argue, “stability and cohesion do not require every individual to think alike, have the same interests, same religion or same traditions….stability and cohesion do, however, require understanding and support of certain fundamental values expressed in legislation.” More broadly, advancing national interest in a multi-ethnic and secular state like Nigeria requires protecting values of democracy; values anchored on the rule of law.

    National interest recedes when government, her policies and projects are ethnified. That situation is counterproductive in all ramifications. Sadly, that’s our status quo. This largely explains why we can’t tackle banditry, terrorism and sectarian conflicts.  A question that may never have been publicly asked is:  which Nigerian security agency is in the lead on counter-terrorism?  Any answer will be pure conjecture. So we can understand why we continue to perform poorly in tackling domestic terrorism and banditry.  By civilizing the military to undertake purely civilian police duties, we also undermined national interest.

    These days, national interest is hardly a phrase one hears from Nigerian leaders.  It is virtually absent in the consideration of our domestic and foreign policies.  Regrettably, national interest is not an abstract. If it’s continually overlooked, it’s because Nigerian leaders have instinctively changed the political premises and political debate that ought to guide robust good governance.  They have also changed the requisite narratives and attendant heady governance questions.

    Just as “common good” has been redacted from Nigeria’s political lexicon, advocacy for the “common man” has equally been redacted from our national discourse. This explains why Senator Godswill Akpabio’s 2023 public appeal to “let the poor breathe” would resonate with Nigerians, notwithstanding its facetiousness.

    Politics is about plurality. Nigeria’s rich diversity speaks to her plurality. But how do we coexist? How can we have frank and honest conversation without resorting to a play on presumed ignorance?   How do we obviate the mindset suggesting that the national population is gullible and ignorant? How do we get along, trust and feel secure with each other? How does the interest of one ethnicity not supplant or threaten the rights of others? How do we retrace our strides away from prevalent cancel culture, nepotism and bigotry? How do we circumscribe the default to political idiocy? These are not academic or rhetorical questions. They are critical questions about core issues that drive wedges into our diversity, the coalescing of divergent interests and compel those in different political and ethnic silos from rallying to a common cause for the sake of national interest.

    How political positions, projects and institutions are allocated and funded, determine if they promote and prioritize national interest, harmony and unity.  Needs and political means are quite often fungible.  Where they are perceptibly unlinked, there is dissonance, discord and a sense of marginalization. Persons or groups, who feel marginalized or disenfranchised, hardly ever speak to national interests. Neither do those who perceive political gains, the accruing perks and perquisites of office or the dividends of democracy, as their birthrights or yields of their zero sum game, ever speak up.

    Those in power and those out of power, is a constant refrain in Nigerian politics.  That disposition gives rise to conflicting interests. It also erodes the efficacy of the political opposition. None of these augurs well for the propagation and advancement of national interest.  If we consider or accept national interest as “the signpost that drives political realism to finds its way through the landscape on international politics,” it means that arriving at that critical juncture, must be premised on a simple cliché: “charity begins at home.”  There must be synergy between national development and the prioritization of national interest concerns.

    Domestic stability, peace and security, equity and fairness are all pertinent variables.  What this calls for, are governance modalities that are introspective as well as retrospective.  Fundamentally, in a stable society, advancing national interests includes “affirming and promoting citizen’s values, belief and culture,” while those in power or government, ensure personal safety of the citizens. A case in point.  If it was in Nigeria’s national interest to remove the oil subsidy; it meant that the accruing benefits of that policy should have been beneficial to all Nigerians. That was not the case.

    Despite extant laws, Nigeria’s looted funds and wealth are domiciled in foreign bank accounts.  Succeeding administrations made it seem like such funds were stolen only during the Abacha regime. That is not true. Whereas it is in the national interest to recovers such looted funds, most of the recovered funds are again systematically looted due to the opacity in handling recovered funds. It would amount to prioritizing national interest by jailing some of those who looted the fund, as deterrence. This has not happened. It’s also in the national interest to account transparently for recovered funds. That too, has not happened.

    Indeed, it’s ironical, that in a country where Prof. Tam David-West, a former Petroluem Minister went to jail for accepting gratification amounting a wristwatch and a cup of tea; many Nigerians who have well-publicized  grand larceny cases to answer for, have succeeded in having their prosecution files buried in the tomb of officialdom and  “your sins are forgiven” dogma. Most walk about freely.

    Whereas the principles of pursuing national interest are overarching, the impetus required to make them concrete have become perceptibly malleable.  Hence, not prioritizing national interest today translates to our mothballed and largely unutilized Ajaokuta Steel Mill; our four moribund national refineries, and our stealthy national carrier- Air Nigeria. It was the dearth of proactive national interest consideration that killed off the sovereign wealth fund, which held out hope of infinite positive possibilities for Nigeria.

    The resultant effects of our non-prioritization of our national interest include our inability to generate up to 10,000 megawatts of electricity for a population of over 220 million, despite spending trillions on naira on energy. Even as a top oil producing country, we continue to import refined petroleum because of our ill-defined priorities. Recently, Nigerians became aware via BudgiT of the jaw-breaking revelation that components of the 2025 national budget pertaining to the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian and Poverty Alleviation was padded up from proposed N24 billion to N291 billion. That of Ministry of Agriculture, bloated from N242 billion to a whopping N1.7 trillion. Overall, the FY 2025 Budget was illegally padded with over N7 trillion.  In a country, where national development benchmarks are clearly defined in terms of the national interest, such nefarious acts would be utterly impossible.

    Because we don’t prioritize our national interest, we allowed foreign non-state actors to gain ascendancy in the northern parts of the country; rather than close our borders to keep them out even if we had to suspend the extant ECOWAS protocol temporarily. In that same vein, we allowed small and light weapons from collapsed Libya to flood our country. We are still paying for that singular mistake.  Furthermore, FDIs (foreign direct investments) become remote when national interests are ill-defined.

    Just as we have not prioritized hard power capital projects that underpin growth and national development, we have also not prioritized soft power policies like STEM education, in the national interest.  It was national interest considerations that led to devising the TETfund to fund qualitative tertiary education.  Whereas the Fund is structured to garner sufficient resources annually to keep all public and private tertiary institutions fully-funded, its resources are presently being frittered away for pork barrel contracts and projects unrelated to higher education.

    There is a clear linkage between our abandoning our erstwhile models of national development plan during the military era in favour of political campaign-driven visions and modalities.  That decision has had vast implications for the pursuit of our national interest. Our Democracy is not perfect.  It will not achieve near perfection until we resolve to have within the governing circles, those who grasp the inextricable links between national interest, good governance and development and therefore, prioritize national interest concerns. Until then, Nigeria will continue to wallow in the morass of political idiocy and Malgovernance.

    ——

    Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

  • The Next Election, Not the Next Generation

    The Next Election, Not the Next Generation

    -By Abdul Mahmud

    Obasanjo has a singular talent for driving the blade deep into our country’s conscience. No former president wields words like him: pointed, layered, unflinching. To him, no subject is sacred. No figure, too revered. He dissects them all with the precision of a surgeon and the courage of a prophet. His commentary is never casual; it is always an incision that reveals the rot beneath. And yet, therein lies the paradox. For every truth he unveils, a shadow of himself appears silent and self-incriminating. His insights often sting not because they are false, but because they echo with the ghosts of his own complicity. Obasanjo holds up the mirror to our country, but his reflection too stands in the frame.

    Last week, the media echoed Obasanjo’s voice far and wide: “Those in power today are only concerned about the next election, not the next generation.” A simple sentence. Yet, it struck like thunder. It wasn’t just a criticism. It was a verdict. A stinging indictment of the smallness that defines our politics. In those few words, he laid bare the rot at the heart of our leadership. He revealed the depth of a crisis that our country has long normalised. While his words are the stones thrown at glasshouses, or made for applause or headlines, they are a wake-up call. A rough shaking from the dream of indifference. A call to reckon with who rulers of our country are becoming and what our country may soon lose if the rulers continue this way. He forces rulers to look beyond manifestos and microphones. To face the hollow out bottom of our national purpose. His voice, like a prophet’s, disturbs. And rightly so.

    Today, in our country, leadership has drifted far from its noble roots. It is no longer a call to serve, it has become the crab-like scramble for political survival. Tenure has replaced transformation. Power, not purpose, drives the engine of governance. Those who rule do so with eyes fixed on the next election, not the next generation. They govern with fear, not foresight; with calculation, not conviction. The idea of legacy has been replaced by the hunger for control. There is no dream, only strategy. No roadmap, only insidious ambition. Our rulers no longer plant trees whose shades they may never sit under. They build nothing that outlives them. And so, the future stands abandoned like a child waiting at a door that may never open. They govern to stay in power.

    Chinua Achebe captured it perfectly in his book, The Trouble with Nigeria. He said: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.” Achebe’s words still ring true today. He saw through the façade long before the problems became this glaring. And, sadly, it seems like the situation has only gotten worse. The evidence is everywhere. Our schools are failing. Our hospitals, once mocked as mere consulting clinics, have now deteriorated into silent mortuaries – places where hope goes to die and the living fear to enter. The roads are full of potholes. Our youth are lost to hopelessness. And yet, our rulers are blind to these problems. The future of the next generation is compromised, and our rulers seem unfazed. They do not see the consequences of their failures.

    Why?

    Because they do not govern for the future.

    They govern for now. They do not care about legacy. They care only about tenure, elections, and power. They are too busy securing the next election to consider the next generation. This is why our policies are chaotic. They are short-sighted. Projects are started, only to be abandoned halfway. Behold the obsession with flyovers and the concrete madness that has gripped our governors, who mistake slabs and steel for progress, while the people beg for schools, hospitals, and clean water! Economic plans are announced, only to be forgotten. Education is neglected. Health care is ignored. Every promise made seems to fade away in the face of politics as usual.

    Our rulers do not plan for long-term prosperity. They want quick wins. They want to win the next election, not create lasting change. There is no grand vision, no blueprint for the future. All they see is the next vote, not the next generation. Take the education sector. It is broken. Teachers are underpaid. Schools are dilapidated. Classrooms are overcrowded. Students sit on floors. And they respond with empty promises. Meanwhile, the children of our rulers are sent abroad for better education. The system is rigged. The brightest minds are denied access to quality education, while mediocrity thrives. Health care is worse. Public hospitals are gone. They are underfunded, understaffed, and ill-equipped. Citizens die from preventable diseases because the system is broken. Yet, our rulers fly abroad for medical treatment. They neglect the very sector that could save lives. The hypocrisy is staggering.

    Security is another crisis. Bandits run rampant in the north. Terrorists control vast swathes of land. Kidnappers strike at will. The government’s response is slow, ineffective, and often political. The lives of ordinary citizens are sacrificed. The military is overstretched, fighting with outdated equipment. Yet, the government keeps increasing the defense budget. The country is on the brink, but no one seems to care. And what about democracy? It is in name only. Political parties are no more than patronage networks. Primaries are auctions. Candidates are chosen by godfathers, not the people. The electorate is sidelined. Citizens are ignored. Democracy has become a tool for self-interest, not service. Democracy has been emptied of its noble promise. It no longer serves the people; it serves the powerful. What was once a sacred covenant between the rulers and the citizens has become a ladder for personal gains. The Harvard scholars, Ziblatt and Levitsky were right in their book, How Democracies Die, that democracies rarely collapse with a bang; they erode slowly, as norms decay, institutions weaken, and those in power substitute the public good with private ambition. Our country is living that slow death. The guardrails meant to protect our republic have been kicked aside by those meant to uphold them. Citizens’ voices are drowned out by money and power.

    What future do our rulers offer the next generation? A country where mediocrity reigns? A country where merit is irrelevant? A country where the brightest minds leave, and the dullest stay behind? The future is bleak. But it doesn’t have to be this way.

    Obasanjo’s words are not new. They capture a pattern of failure. Our country has repeatedly stumbled over the same obstacles. Short-term thinking. Selfish politics. The same mistakes keep being made, and the people keep suffering. The Second Republic collapsed under the weight of selfish politics. Shagari’s government offered little reform. Babangida promised economic liberalisation but delivered economic disaster. Abacha’s rule was a period of looting and repression. Obasanjo’s second coming was marked by the failed attempt at a third term. Jonathan’s years were marked by wasted opportunities. Buhari’s tenure was marked by stagnation and inefficiency. Tinubu’s government is already failing disastrously.

    Each government has failed to deliver meaningful change. None has left a legacy worth remembering. All promised change, but none provided it. The same story repeats itself over and over. The citizens suffer, but the rulers remain unscathed. The long arc of history shows us the cost of ignoring the future. Countries that fail to plan, fail to survive. Rome fell not just because of the invasion of barbarians, but because of internal decay. The Ottoman Empire disintegrated because its leaders ignored the signs of decline. Mobutu’s Congo is a cautionary tale of mismanagement and corruption.

    But all is not lost. There is hope.

    Countries rise from the ashes of their mistakes. Rwanda, after its genocide, focused on rebuilding with a clear vision. Singapore, once poor and underdeveloped, invested in human capital and infrastructure. Leadership and vision made the difference. These countries did not dwell on the past. They focused on the future. They planned for the long term. Our country can rise too. But not with the current rulers. Our country needs a change. Our country needs leaders who care about more than just elections. Our country needs leaders who care about the future. Leaders who will leave a legacy for the next generation. Our country needs the politics of purpose, not of power.

    Our citizens must rise. They must demand better leadership. They must question the rulers. They must reject those who only care about power and self-interest. They must demand leaders who are willing to serve, not to rule. They must insist on transparency and accountability. They must reject tribalism and nepotism. Our citizens must abandon the politics of sentiment and begin to measure leadership by the weight of service, not the size of slogans. In a country scarred by broken promises, citizens can no longer afford to gamble their future on charisma without character. The ballot must become a moral instrument, wielded in favour of those whose hands bear the calluses of real work – men and women who have served not themselves, but the people; who have shown, in quiet diligence, a commitment to public good over private gains.

    Citizens must look beyond the billboards and the roadside crowds, and ask harder questions: Who has stood with them when the cameras weren’t rolling? Who has delivered when there were no political points to score? Leadership must be rooted in history, in evidence, in a lived ethic of care. It is time citizens voted not for those who promise paradise, but for those who have exalted them, built schools, reformed the system, or shielded the weak from the blows of the harsh state. Only then can democracy serve the living, and not just the powerful.

    A new political culture is needed. One that values service over self-interest. One that prioritises the future over the present. Every leader must be asked: What will you leave behind? It is not enough to simply win elections. Leadership is about building the country and the people, not just securing power. Mandela understood this. Lee Kuan Yew understood this. Kagame’s Rwanda shows that, even after great tragedy, countries can rebuild. Vision is essential. And leadership is key. Our country is a giant. But it is a sleeping giant. It is time to awaken her.

    If our rulers will not think of the next generation, the next generation must think of how to replace them. The citizens must rise. They must take charge of their future. History will remember not only the failure of leaders, but the courage of citizens who refused to surrender their fate to mediocrity. When those entrusted with our country’s future chose ambition over vision, it was the citizens who rose, not with arms, but with resolve; not with bitterness, but with purpose. Surely, history will record this for posterity: when the custodians of power abandoned their posts, active citizens stepped forward to reclaim the dreams of our country. They choose legacy over fleeting victory, substance over spectacle. They gave history something worthy to record.

    Obasanjo is right. Achebe was right. Now, it is the citizens’ turn to act right.

    History and the future wait for no man – including woman.