Category: Opinion

  • When Public Servants Sit Tight, Nigeria Burns

    When Public Servants Sit Tight, Nigeria Burns

    By Abdul Mahmud

    A few weeks ago, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) released the results of its annual Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) which recorded mass failures and sparked national outrage. Entire regions, specifically the South East, and Centres in Lagos State, reported mass failures.

    Parents panicked. Students despaired. Teachers were confused. For many candidates, the poor results didn’t match the effort they had put into preparation. In some homes, quarrels erupted. In others, silence and tears took over. A few contemplated to take their own lives. In Lagos, Miss Faith Timilehin Opesusi committed suicide for scoring the low mark of 190. The entire country was on edge. The Minister of Education rubbed his hands in glee, while “describing the examination process as meeting international standards and being almost foolproof against malpractice”. The Registrar, Prof Oloyede, basking in self-glory, echoed: “JAMB’s robust and secure processes have set a new benchmark for examinations in Nigeria and affirmed the Board’s commitment to sustaining and improving these standards”.

    For weeks, JAMB offered no real explanation for the mass failure. Yet, behind the scenes, the Board knew what had happened. It was not the students who failed. It was JAMB and Oloyede.

    JAMB’s internal computer systems failed. A glitch in its software distorted the entire examination process. The Registrar, Professor Ishaq Oloyede, was aware of the problem. He knew the results did not reflect actual performance. But he said nothing while thousands of children suffered the trauma of failure. He said nothing while parents bore the shame of imagined academic failure. He remained silent while dreams were temporarily destroyed.

    The truth only came to light because of the work of a private citizen. His name is Alex Onyia. He is not a government official. He is not a regulator. He is not on the JAMB board. He is an IT professional and education enthusiast. But he did what the head of the exam body refused to do. Onyia analysed the results. He noticed a pattern. He used technology to uncover the glitch in JAMB’s system. He made his findings public. Then, JAMB was forced to respond. Only after Onyia’s revelations did Professor Oloyede admit to the failure. He went on national television. He apologised. He shed tears. But his tears rang hollow. They came too late. A citizen had killed herself. The damage had already been done.

    What followed next is typical of Nigeria, of Nigeria’s anyhow-ness. Rather than resign, Professor Oloyede continues to stay tight in office. Despite public calls for him to step down. Despite his admission that JAMB’s systems had failed. Despite the emotional and psychological trauma caused to thousands of students. He is simply sitting tight. This refusal to resign, even in the face of obvious failure, is a defining feature of Nigeria’s public service culture.

    In 2020, the UK’s exams regulator, Ofqual, faced a similar situation. Algorithmic adjustments to grades during the COVID-19 pandemic caused widespread outrage. Students were downgraded unfairly. Within days, the head of Ofqual, Sally Collier, resigned. She took responsibility. She showed dignity. She respected the trust placed in her office. That is what happens in countries where accountability matters. In Nigeria, we do the opposite. We cling to office. We treat public service as a lifetime appointment. We see resignation as defeat. We treat failure as a minor inconvenience. In fact, many see resignation as an alien concept. It doesn’t exist in the dictionary of the Nigerian elite. When officials are caught in wrongdoing, they sit tight. When they are exposed for corruption, they sit tight. When their policies fail, they blame others and sit tight. Sometimes, they even get promoted.

    This culture of impunity is dangerous. It kills public trust. It weakens institutions. It emboldens more incompetence. When a public official admits to a massive institutional failure but refuses to resign, what message does that send? It tells future officials that actions have no consequences. It tells the public that accountability is optional. It tells victims of failure that their suffering means nothing.

    Oloyede’s conduct fits into a larger pattern.

    A Minister’s convoy kills a pedestrian. He blames the driver. He sits tight. Another Minister diverts food meant for school pupils. She cries witch-hunt. She sits tight. A director is caught falsifying records. He blames junior staff. He sits tight. No shame. No remorse. No resignations. Our public space is dominated by people who see office as a right, not a privilege. They see it as personal property, not a position of service. And when they fail, they expect applause for merely surviving the storm.

    It was not always like this.

    In the early years of Nigeria’s independence, resignation from office carried weight. In the First Republic, ministers stepped down when their actions cast doubt on government credibility. There was a sense of honour. A belief that public office required a moral compass. That compass is now lost. What has taken its place is arrogance. Entitlement. Impunity.

    In advanced democracies, the idea of public trust is sacred. Resignation is not a sign of weakness. It is a demonstration of responsibility. It preserves the integrity of institutions. It restores confidence in governance. It allows healing to begin. In Nigeria, by contrast, public servants fight to remain. Even when their continued presence causes embarrassment to the government. Even when their failures are too glaring to hide. They mobilise ethnic sentiment. They play the religion card. They frame their refusal to resign as an act of resilience. Meanwhile, the institutions they head crumble.

    Oloyede’s tears cannot wash away the betrayal felt by students. His apology cannot undo the anxiety faced by parents. His tears cannot bring Faith Timilehin Opesusi back to life. His refusal to resign sends a clear message: in Nigeria, no one is ever responsible.

    We must challenge this culture. The Nigerian public must demand more. Citizens must insist on accountability. The media must continue to speak out. Civil society must not go silent. Opposition parties must do more than issue press statements. It is not enough to expose failure. There must be consequences. Public servants must understand that they serve at the pleasure of the people. When they fail the people, they must leave.

    Young people, in particular, must not forget this episode. The students who suffered because of JAMB’s negligence must remember what it felt like. Their pain must fuel a desire for change. For reform. For a system where justice is swift and accountability is real. The time has come to build a new culture of public service. A culture that rewards honesty. That punishes negligence. That promotes competence. That makes resignation a noble act, not a shameful one.

    Let Professor Oloyede be the last of his kind. Let future public officials know that failure has consequences. Let them understand that leadership is not a throne, but a trust. When things go wrong, we must expect them to take the honourable path. We must not wait for foreign examples. We must build our own standards. Our own values. Our own culture of accountability. Nigeria cannot grow with public officials who never leave. We cannot progress if we reward failure with promotion. We cannot heal if our leaders remain unmoved by public pain. It is time to end the era of sitting tight. It is time to raise the bar. This moment must serve as the turning point in which the era of impunity gives way to responsibility. Public office means what it should: service, not survival.

    Until then, Nigeria will continue to burn. And those who lit the fire will still be sitting tight. Professor Oloyede, please, go.

    Please, go.

  • Mahmuda, Lakurawa and the Urgency of Securitisation

    Mahmuda, Lakurawa and the Urgency of Securitisation

    By Abdul Mahmud

    Terrorism is changing in the northern region of our country. The faces are new. Some are old. The methods are familiar. The threat is growing. Two new groups have emerged. One is Mahmuda. The other is Lakurawa. Add the familiar curmudgeons: ISWAP, Boko Haram and Ansaru and you will have a clearer glimpse of the deadly compositions and boundaries of the ill-tempered cauldrons they have established in the north – from Kwara State to the fringes of Zamfara State. Their names are now etched into the long, tragic history of terror in our country.

    One Sunday night last month, suspected members of Mahmuda struck. They attacked Ilesha Baruba and Kemaanji. These are peaceful towns in Kwara State. The attacks stretched across Baruten and Kaiama local governments. Lives were lost. Families were displaced. Silence descended after violence. Mahmuda is a new name. But the pattern is old. Sudden strikes. Coordinated assaults on vulnerable citizens in remote villages. The terrorist group is expanding. It has now entered Niger State. This is dangerous.

    Lakurawa is another new group which operates largely in the northwest. Its ideology is extreme. Its actions are brutal. The terrorists who people the group flog citizens for listening to music. Music. An act of joy. An act of identity.The federal government has declared Lakurawa a terrorist group. This is a step in the right direction. But it came late. Lakurawa has been active for years. It crossed into our country from Niger. Its members settled in border communities. They married local women. They recruited local youths. They became part of the social fabric. Then, they turned it into a web of violence. Lakurawa is not alone. It has ties to jihadist factions in Mali and Niger. The Sahel is burning. The fire is spreading south. Our country’s borders are porous. And terror and terrorists move freely. Our country is now the fertile ground for terrorism. A cradle for a new kind of war. A war without honour. Without fronts. Without rules. It is the war Professor Richard English, one of the world’s foremost scholars on terrorism, calls a distinct form of warfare. One that feeds on fear. Thrives in broken states. Spreads in the cracks of our silence. It is not fought on battlefields, but in markets, mosques, and schools. It creeps into daily life. It redraws the map of safety. This is the war our citizens now face. The war our country allowed to take root.

    The emergence of these new groups poses deep threats to national security. To public order and safety. To our collective peace. These are not isolated criminals. They are ideologically driven. They have military training. They have weapons. They have intent. Their goal is domination. Not just of space, but of minds. They do not only kill. They control. They dictate how people live. What they hear. What they wear. What they believe. This is not just crime. This is terrorism. And terrorism is war. It is a war without fronts. A war without uniforms. A war against the state. Yet, our country is slow. It is uncoordinated. Its responses are reactive, not preventive. It cannot continue like this.

    This is where securitisation becomes relevant.

    Ole Waever and Barry Buzan, two scholars in international relations, introduced this concept. It is simple, yet powerful.

    Securitisation means turning a political issue into a security issue. It means naming it as an existential threat. It means treating it urgently. Like a war. Like a pandemic. I must place a caveat here: not every issue should be securitised. But some must. Terrorism is one of them. Waever argues correctly that securitisation begins with a speech act. A leader says: “This is dangerous.” That speech changes everything. It moves the issue from routine politics to emergency politics. Once securitised, the issue gets priority. Resources flow. Action follows. Our country must securitise Mahmuda and Lakurawa. These are not bandits. These are terrorists. These are ogres. Call them that. Treat them as such- the enemies of the state. But, it goes beyond treating terrorists as enemies, our leaders must act. Not just talk. They must frame the threats in clear, urgent terms. They must explain it to the citizens. They must build support for tough measures. And they must implement those measures.

    Securitisation helps build consensus around emergent threats. It unites security agencies. It gives the military a clear mandate. It galvanises public awareness. But securitisation also comes with responsibility. It must not be abused. It must not target political opponents. It must not trample on rights. It must be precise. It must be justified.

    Mahmuda and Lakurawa justify it.

    There is also the need for intelligence reforms. These terrorist groups did not appear overnight. They grew under the radar. They expanded in plain sight. They took root in the vast forgotten and ungoverned spaces of our country. They fed on religious extremism, raw, rigid, and restless. A pervasive restlessness so often twisted into a cry for blood. The North, long burdened by fragile fault lines, became the staging ground of terrorists. It offered not just land, but history. A history where belief has too often flirted with brutality. Where fervour, when unmoored from reason, spills easily into violence. In this space, ideology became a weapon. And faith, once sacred, was repurposed into fire. If intelligence had worked, Mahmuda would not have expanded. If intelligence had worked, Lakurawa would not have merged into our border towns, establishing its own geography of bloody orgies.

    Our country needs human intelligence. Not just drones. Our country needs locals to trust it. Not fear it. Our country needs early warning systems. Community policing. Local vigilance.

    Securitisation must begin at the community level. Imams. Teachers. Farmers. Traders. They know what happens before Abuja does. They must be part of the solution. Our country must also fix its borders. The Nigeria-Niger border is not a line. It is a zone. A corridor of trade, migration and, now, terror. Lakurawa uses it. So do others. Our country needs joint patrols. Cross-border cooperations. Shared intelligence. A regional counter-terrorism strategy. West Africa must work together. Terror is regional. Our country’s responses must be the same.

    And yet, while we act, let it be remembered: force alone does not end terrorism. Ideas must be fought with better ideas.

    Why do young men join Mahmuda? Why do they flock to Lakurawa? Why is Ansaru establishing terrorists’ cells in Kogi State? It is because they seek power. Because they seek purpose. Because they feel abandoned.

    Our country must not abandon its citizens. Development is prevention. Schools. Jobs. Healthcare. Roads. These are weapons against terror. When citizens have hope, they resist terror. When they feel safe, they report threats. When they trust the state, they defend it.

    Securitisation must go hand in hand with human security. Not just military security. The North is bleeding. But it is not yet lost. Our country can still act. The north can still be saved. Our country must first call things by their names. Mahmuda is a terrorist group. Lakurawa is a terrorist group. Their ideologies are violent. Their actions are evil.

    Our country and its rulers must respond decisively. Today. Not tomorrow. This is not just a northern problem. It is a national one. What starts in Kwara spreads to Abuja. What burns in Niger may soon reach Lagos. The sum of the part is connected to the whole. Not greater.

    National security is not a slogan. It is a duty. Public safety is not a luxury. It is a right. Waever and Buzan teach us to listen to danger. To recognise when politics becomes war. To know when to shift gears. Our country must shift gears. It must treat Mahmuda and Lakurawa as the threats they are. Existential threats. Securitised threats.

    Our country cannot normalise terror. Our citizens cannot live with it. Citizens must end it.

    And to end it, we must first name it.

    That is the beginning.

  • Jim Nwobodo @ 85: The Truth Has Prevailed

    Jim Nwobodo @ 85: The Truth Has Prevailed

    By Dr. Chiedozie Alex Ogbonnia 

    On Friday, May 9, 2025, people from all walks of life gathered at the country home of Chief Jim Nwobodo in Amaechi Awkunanaw, to celebrate a talented visionary, an extraordinary Titan, a sagacious achiever, a charismatic leader, a man with the heart of gold, the former governor of the old Anambra State, a former minister and senator of the federal Republic of Nigeria, His Excellency, Sen. Jim Ifeanyichukwu Nwobodo (Anyanwu N’awaraoha) as he clocked Eighty five years.

    One of the major benefits of celebrating great men is because it serves both as a guide and an inspiration to the younger generation. The youths in particular, are persuaded that, at an age many are still groping and floundering, Jim had developed the requisite perspectives, social skills and the acumen to become an entrepreneurial behemoth of world renown- Chairman, Link Group International Ltd; Link Pharmaceuticals Ltd; Jimson International; Chairman, Jupiter Printing Co Ltd (Publishers of Satellite Newspapers) etc. It was in his thirties that he manifested courage, frontier spirit, and profound fear of God, creative humility, economic wizardry and philanthropy. He was in his thirties when he became the Chairman of Enugu Rangers International Football Club. And it was in his thirties that he won election and was sworn in as the first executive governor of the Old Anambra State. In Jim Nwobodo we find a life well-nurtured and a life well-cultivated in service and humanity.

    Let me use this opportunity to throw some light on Enugu Rangers International Football Club. For the records, the Nigerian-Biafran war (1967-1970) ended with the declaration of “No Victor! No vanquished!! But there is no gainsaying that the psychological trauma of defeat trailed the Igbo psyche shortly after. The Igbo elite needed a platform that would quickly mainstream the traumatized into the social life of the Nigerian state. One Chief Jerry Enyeazu, the Director of Sports in the East Central State (South East) in collaboration with other Igbo patriots assembled the ex-Biafran soldiers, who were still nursing the war injury and stigma, and founded a football team with the name Rangers Football Club.

    The name “Rangers” was significant because it represented the “never-say-die” spirit of the Igbo, a trait they demonstrated with grit, passion and commitment during the war. “Rangers” was the most dogged, formidable, invincible daring paramilitary unit of the Biafran Armed Forces whose exploits during the war were unassailable.

    The first outing of Enugu Rangers Football Club was with a highly kitted Nigerian Army X1 Football Club at Onikan Stadium, Lagos, in 1970. The Journalists tagged the match: A battle between the Biafran Army and the Nigerian Army. With a 2-1 victory, the Enugu Rangers, still bristling from the battle field, with the never-say-die and indomitable Rangers’ spirit, ferocity and skill was able to achieve for the Igbo what guns and “ogbunigwe” could not achieve in the battle field. The Rangers coach was Chief Dan Anyiam. The indomitable Godwin Achebe was the captain while the Alhaji- Domnic Nwobodo displayed sophisticated dexterity in the field. The other part of the story was that while the Nigerian Army Football team was well fed and equipped, spectators cast a martyr look at the Rangers team with a poor outfit.

    The all-conquering Enugu Rangers went on to dominate the football scene in Nigeria for so many years; defeating crack and formidable opponents like WNDC (which later became the IICC Shooting Stars of Ibadan), ACB and Stationery Football Clubs of Lagos, Vasco Dagama F.C of Enugu, Bendel Insurance Football Club of Benin, Alfusyan Rocks FC of Ilorin, Racca Rovers of Kano, DIC (Ranchers) Bees FC of Kaduna, Mighty Jets FC of Jos to mention just a few.

    The Enugu Rangers represented the Igbo resurrection, Igbo consciousness, irrepressibility, Igbo dignity and pride. In fact, Rangers was the social soul of the entire Igbo. That was the Rangers that the young Jim Nwobodo was considered most suitable to lead from 1976-1979. Jim was then on the lips and hearts of every Igbo.

    As a governor in 1979, Jim Nwobodo revolutionalized the education sector in the old Anambra State, comprising the present States of Enugu, Anambra and greater part of Ebonyi. He initiated the policy of one secondary school per community with a school bus and a generating set as compliments; bursary awards to all the students of the old Anambra state in all the higher institutions in Nigeria; Award of scholarship to indigent students, etc. Jim was the first governor to establish a State-owned University- the multi-campus-based Anambra State University of Science and Technology, ASUTECH, which has birthed the Enugu State University of Science and Technology (ESUT) Enugu; Nnamdi Azikiwe University (NAU) Awka and Ebonyi State University (EBSU) Abakaliki.

    Some other achievements by Jim include the establishment of Enugu State Television, Channel 50, Enugu; Ikenga Hotels, Nsukka and Awka, Sunrise Flour Mills, Enugu; Building Materials Factory, Ezzamgbo; Aluminum Products Factory, Ohebedim; Metallurgical Factory, Ozubulu; Specialist Hospital, Abakaliki; Anambra State Vegetable Oil Products(AVOP), Nachi; Nike Lake Resort, Enugu; Enugu and Onitsha Water Schemes; Rural Electrification Project in many communities; access roads; Nnamdi Azikiwe Stadium, Enugu, etc..

    Jim was a household name in the Old Anambra State. His accomplishments were very endearing to the masses and the election for his second tenure was guaranteed in the minds of all. I recall with deep emotional shock and goose flesh the very dramatic soulless robbery with which the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN) government led by the late President Shehu Shagari rigged Jim Nwobodo out of office in favour of the late Chief Christian Chukwuma Onoh.

    The impeccable combination of the personality cult in His Excellency, The Rt. Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, GCFR, QC, Owelle of Onitsha, the National Leader of the defunct Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) and the amiable Governor Jim Nwobodo was overwhelming and the NPN had to rely on bare-faced robbery and brigandage to upset Nwobodo, using the Police, the Army and the Federal Electoral Commission-FEDECO. While the NPN and their cohorts regaled in caustic triumphalism, the masses of the Igbo felt injured and dispossessed but Jim Nwobodo was undaunted and unbowed. He remarked philosophically that Eziokwu g’aputa ife, that is: The Truth shall Prevail. Azikiwe, on his part released a treatise captioned “The End Shall Vindicate the Just”. Three months after, the military struck, predicating their intervention on the massive electoral riggings across the country, amongst others.

     

    Eziokwu g’aputa ife, is also captured in the Holy Bible. In verse 2 of the 12th Chapter of Luke’s Gospel, Jesus Christ himself declared thus: “For there is nothing covered that shall not be revealed; neither hid, that shall not be known”. The plastic power of truth is eternal. According to Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe; Truth is a treasure. It is like the gold, buried 100 feet below the sea level for 100 years; when it is excavated, it appreciates 100 times in both lustre and value.

     

    Nwobodo, like other legends before him, has seen the universal chord of treachery and infidelity; rise and fall, hope and despair, trauma and relief, malignity and veneration, hate and love but in all, he embraced the circumstances with equanimity and fear of God.

    On Friday, May 9, 2025, men and women were struggling for a handshake with a good man; a man who in their hearts won the 1983 governorship elections; a man who within a space of four years accomplished what some others could not contemplate in eight years; a man whose trust in God is legendary, a lover of peace, a Fabian philosopher who would first caution his adversary, second and third time before he strikes, and when he strikes, the earth quakes in his favour. That is Jim.

    On behalf of the people of Enugu State, I commend His Excellency Dr. Peter Ndubisi Mbah, the Governor of Enugu State for revering the governors that preceded him, in spite of his outstanding accomplishments within two years that speak volumes. Not only that Mbah attended the event and spent ample time with Nwobodo, he came with his Deputy, Barr. Ifeanyi Ossai; the former governor, Rt. Hon. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, local government Chairmen and other state government officials.

    Mbah extoled the virtues of Nwobodo adding that “nothing endears one to his people than selfless service. That is what you epitomise. The men and women gathered here today to celebrate you is a reflection of that selfless service that you have provided for the people of Enugu State and Nigeria”

    The traditional rulers in Enugu State, such as the Chairman, Traditional Rulers Council, Enugu State, His Majesty, Igwe Samuel Ikechukwu Asadu, (Ogadagidi); the Ubaojene ii of Ogugu and Akajiofor Ntuegbenese, His Majesty, Igwe Chidozie Aloy Ogbonna, Jr; His Majesty, Igwe Greg Ugwu, JP, Ọchịnanwata 1 of Akegbe Ugwu, His Grace, Prof. Emmanuel Olisa Chukwuma, OON, the former Archbishop of Enugu Province, Anglican Communion, Church of Nigeria; Sen. Ben Ndi Obi, (Ojeligbo), Chief Chinedu Anih of the Coal City University, Enugu, etc. Other groups include the leadership of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, the ASUTECH Alumni, Women and Church groups, business tycoons, Chancellors and Principal Officers of universities, etc.

    Jim thanked God for his life. He thanked the Governor and all the people that came from far and near. He also thanked Obidiya, Mrs. Patricia Nwobodo, an amazing Amazon, dazzling diamond, a Harvard exponent who’s inner and outward beauty shines forth with pleasure, lustre, harmonium and perfection.

    In summary, Jim Nwobodo is one of the most celebrated Igbo man, alive. The truth has ultimately prevailed that popularity is not secured through brigandage, bare-faced robbery and abracadabra; that a broken leaf, after fluttering in the air must obey the law of gravity; that history shall vindicate the just; and that godliness is the greatest virtue.

    Happy birthday Anyanwu N’Awaraoha.

  • Nigeria’s Canticles of Hopelessness

    Nigeria’s Canticles of Hopelessness

    By Oseloka H. Obaze 

    The line between hope and hopelessness in Nigeria is so badly blurred it is now imperceptible. For most Nigerians, life is now ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short’, making the end of hope an existential reality. Living in contemporary Nigeria, exposes that personal and national fates are unambiguous. Nigeria’s national disposition connotes the end of hope. That disposition is real, blatant, concrete and hard felt.

    A shared value most Nigerians reflexively subscribe to nowadays, are the canticles of hopelessness that pervades the land. As never before, Nigerians have lost hope in their country. This is a very dangerous juncture for any country to be. A haunted nation risks implosion. The nation’s swirling and cascading challenges are robust and overt, yet the inherent clear and present danger pivots from the anesthetizing uncertainty, as to whether the Nigerian citizens should prepare of a seven-point-scale earthquake or an all-consuming tsunami. This Catch-22 situation suggests that in the present circumstance, heads or tails, Nigerians lose.

    Nigeria remains a constitutional democracy. But precepts have since overtaken democratic practices. These days in Nigeria, there are missing praxis between theoretical democratic governance and the practice of democratic governance. What this portends is the stark failure of democratic institutions and to wit; the combined diminution of ordered liberties and State failure, arising from undeniable leadership hubris. More troubling, perhaps, is the unequaled scope of State Capture that is still unfurling.

    Hope remains a shared commonality inherent in human nature; the social strata, nomenclature or civic acculturation of a person notwithstanding. And regardless of a citizen’s exposure, education, affluence or indigence; hope is and ought to be the universal currency that permeates mankind.  Yet, in their daily wake and work, for most Nigerians, while hope in God persists, hope in the nation and for the nation is progressively waning. In this avowed era of “renewed hope” there is, ironically, a glaring dearth of hope. Many situations feel hopeless.

    This is Nigeria’s woke moment. Nigeria is in disarray. Of that there is no longer any debate. But the deniers persist. In our woke democracy, the courts are no longer the last hope of the common man. Our courts incrementally dispense justice with fear and favour. So we have become a nation where justice is routinely procured, if the price is right. In government circles, official malfeasance and grand larceny are rife and hardly attract any reprisals.

    What then is the magic wand that still keeps Nigeria safe from fragmentation? Simply, it is that inextricable connection between hope, and what some call luck or fate. That nexus is further anchored on human expectations in any ordered society or democratic dispensation.  Such expectations are in turn, vested in statutory promises and rights embedded in the Constitution that guides governance and on the flip side, by laws of social order and natural justice.

    Ancillary to these promises and ordered liberties are inalienable rights and privileges that any working society imbues on her citizens. Above all, there is that hope that there exist a few good men with messianic potentials to save a sinking ship, a collapsing building or an imploding nation. But they will act and succeed in the national interest, if only they can seize the moment.

    More often than not, citizenship prerogatives are aligned with patriotism, where the society does well to promote and protect citizen’s rights; and in return, expects citizens to be upright, diligent and patriotic, without undue exhortations or coercion. The sum total is that strict adherence and respect of the rule of law applies to the state and citizens alike. Such shared responsibility underpins the social contract between state leaders and citizens. Absence of these values, as is now the case in Nigeria, has inevitable consequences.

    Hope dies progressively. Absence of trust diminishes hope.  For nations, unmet needs and unfulfilled promises further erode hope. Glaring iniquities, disenfranchisement and discontent emaciate hope. It is this trajectory that leads to restiveness, anarchy and revolution in hobbled nations. Failure is a gradual process. For any government, the first line of defense of citizens’ rights is the responsibility to protect. This is also the first line of defense against malgovernace and the resultant chaos. In this regard, the Nigerian APC-led government has failed woefully. Poverty, hunger, insecurity and hopelessness have since made democratic reforms and saving Nigeria from the APC government the national cause célèbre.

    The broad swath of ungoverned spaces, the internecine violence, unending bloodletting, insecurity, poverty and hunger in Nigeria are no longer emblematic; but sad and real life realities. Corruption, lack of accountability and willful disregard for due process compound existing national challenges. Chaos is no longer imminent. Chaos is already here. The increasing civil disobedience and spontaneous public protestations against some national leaders, their cohorts and spouses, are hot-button indicators. Our present leaders ignore such signals at their own peril. One such unscripted episode could easily become the tipping point, catalyst, or rallying point for Nigerians to collectively vent their long-suppressed anger via mass protests and unrest.

    Unquestionably, hope ends, when government becomes absolutionist and its Orwellian tendencies manifest. Presently, several discernible leadership and governance variables point to Nigeria’s dangerous drift and continual segueing towards Orwellian diktats. These are normative and real concerns. With the political opposition being emasculated, coerced and co-opted, Nigeria is progressively adrift toward one-party state and authoritarianism. A corollary is the emergence of rogue and false leaders in the three arms of government and every segment of the society becoming attuned –predisposed or prepurposed–towards a singular mandate value. These partisans promise hope and change, but only seek power.

    Secondly, there is an egregious complicity arising from the dangers of unfettered silence in the face of equally egregious unfurling national injustice. Methodically, Nigeria’s history is being revised and manipulated, not so much in the national interest but to suit sectional, and ethnic narratives aimed to enhancing political gains and overreaching personal benefits. Suddenly, we have become a nation without ideations and ideologists, where crass precept-driven politics is the preferred norm above everything else.

    Thirdly, it is most fear-provoking that those who once coveted the role of being the nation’s conscience have suddenly become catatonic in deference to primordial considerations. Safe for a few like of Dele Farotimi, Chidi Odinkalu, Usman Yusuf and Femi Falana, the rest are suddenly bereft of the gumption to speak truth to power. Contextually, Chief Emeka Anyaoku recent warning that Nigeria risked disintegration, without federal reform and restructuring ought not to be ignored even as such prognoses have for long been commonplace.

    Finally, power of vile propaganda is in full display. Groupthink, doublethink, doublespeak now drives nepotism and political trolls. Nigeria’s most corrupt are all scampering into the ruling APC government for shelter. Some defect, some are invited and some are coerced. This is a testament that “absolute power corrupts absolutely.” Perhaps there’s honour amongst thieves. That’s the state of our hopelessness. It is this national miasma that elicits the canticles of hopelessness that is drowning out rigorous debates, policy reforms, and the political opposition’s robust dissent, while elevating leadership hubris to an unprecedented level.

    The APC will most probably seek to continue wielding power after 2027, but institutionally, it is far too rotten to the core to provide the redemptive governance Nigeria urgently requires. Regrettably, the APC-led government has, with deft political engineering infested the opposition PDP and LP with malign leadership crises that makes them feeble. Without aligning with other pro-democratic forces, neither PDP nor LP can individually oust the APC from power in 2027. Just the thought is simply scary. If this scenario and our overall national circumstances don’t give us pause; I don’t know what will. Meanwhile, we watch and wait.

    ——-

    Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

  • Community Servants, Government Victims: The Struggle of Enugu’s PGs

    Community Servants, Government Victims: The Struggle of Enugu’s PGs

    By Sebastine Chukwuebuka Okafor 

    According to Enugu State law, a President General typically refers to an elected or appointed leader of an autonomous community or a traditional council, responsible for overseeing community development, maintaining law and order, and representing the community’s interests.

    The function of President-Generals in grassroots development, governance, and community mobilization cannot be overemphasized. Most times, they are the liaison between communities and government, as they enable the rural dwellers to understand government policies and programmes in order to participate actively.

    In Enugu State, the Traditional Rulers Law, as well as the Revised Laws of Enugu 2004, made small insights into the establishment of this institution, their roles, as well as other critical things. This shows the importance this office holds in governance, especially for the grassroots. One cannot reach out to any community without first going through their President-General or traditional ruler. That is why when there is a need for a new traditional ruler, they are mostly in charge of organizing it in partnership with the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Chieftaincy Matters.

    It is very appalling that this institution is not just neglected but also impoverished in Enugu State by our local government chairmen. According to available reports, in Enugu, the PGs are paid a paltry sum of ₦30,000 monthly to run their affairs by the local government, which is done either directly or through the State Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Chieftaincy Matters. This paltry sum is even not paid as and when due, owing to how heartless some of our elected grassroots leaders can be. These are people that are always on the road, running helter-skelter to get things done for their community and government. They are always on the road taking risks for people who don’t care about them.

    A few years ago, when Governor Peter Ndubisi Mbah wanted to embark on smart projects across the 260 political wards, it was still these people that ensured that lands were donated, which enabled the projects to kickstart earnestly. In some communities where their PG is not active, it was shifted to another community or delayed. Some communities whose own started on time—the PGs are also maligned and accused of land grabbing, which would linger between him and the families involved till generations to come. They go through all this stress, and yet, the government cannot pay them their ₦30,000 as and when due. It is inhuman, grotesque, and thus, not acceptable.

    Local government areas such as Igbo Etiti, Oji River, and Uzo Uwani are alleged to be owing their PGs over 12 months of salary arrears. Others such as Igboeze North, Ezeagu, and so on are still owing. It is very rare to see any local government in Enugu State that is not owing the salaries of their PGs. This is not up to the amount of money they spend on traveling because some LGAs have less than 40 President-Generals under their payroll.

    Recently, PGs have become objects of attacks by unknown gunmen and criminals, which are underreported or not even reported. For instance, on the 6th of October 2024, Chief Osita Okoye, the President-General of Amador-Ugbawka, was murdered in broad daylight. The news was hidden for days before it was nonchalantly announced. It took the efforts of the younger brother to the deceased, Chief Amechi Okoye, to get the needed publicity on the death of this PG. On Thursday, the 3rd of April 2025, Chief Osita Mambo, the President-General of Obuoffia community in Awkunanaw, was murdered by gunmen suspected to be assassins. It was not reported until anti-Mbah Sahara Reporters carried the news. There are also assassination attempts on PGs, as well as physical assaults that happen on a daily basis, which are either not reported or neglected.

    While some of these attacks are caused by the PGs who would connive and sell off their community assets without due consultations with the people, or get involved with some illegal activities whose proceeds are not shared, it is also important for all to understand that the majority of these unfortunate incidents stem from the failure of the state government to institutionalize the office of the President-General as a serious administrative pillar. The absence of a structured and enforceable welfare scheme for PGs has left many vulnerable, easily manipulated, and abandoned. Without any form of insurance, legal protection, or formal security, these grassroots leaders are left to face the music alone, even when acting on behalf of the state. Their murders, kidnappings, and daily humiliations are simply treated as community matters and never get the deserved attention from government quarters.

    More so, the state government must take full responsibility for the general lack of orientation, monitoring, and accountability in the operations of PGs across Enugu. The Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs appears to be more interested in settling political scores and installing loyal PGs rather than empowering functional and respected community leaders. The lack of a comprehensive training and retraining program, weak audit of PG activities, and poor synergy with security agencies have all contributed to the rising tensions and breakdown of trust in several communities. If a structured code of conduct, operational funding, and quarterly reporting templates were implemented and enforced, many of the current crises plaguing our town unions would be avoided.

    As a matter of urgency, the Enugu State Government must stop treating PGs as political tools or expendable field officers. A proper legislation or policy directive should be enacted to increase their monthly stipends to a realistic and livable wage, with periodic reviews. Local government chairmen should be held accountable and audited regularly to ensure timely payment and resource allocation to town unions. Beyond financial compensation, the state must deploy community-based security systems, legal support, and welfare protection for all registered PGs. This is the only way to maintain peace, mobilize true grassroots participation in governance, and protect those who are daily exposed to danger for simply loving and serving their people. Anything short of this is not only unfair; it is wicked.

  • In God’s Name, We Have a Country to Save

    In God’s Name, We Have a Country to Save

    In God’s name, our citizens must act fast. Our country is bleeding. The signs are everywhere. There is no other way to put it. Across our country, from the dusty villages of Zamfara and Borno to the streets of Lagos and Abuja, there is no mistaking the fact that our country is on the brink of collapse, while faith in Tinubu’s government has completely disappeared. A government that promised renewed hope is now renewing fear and despair. A country once full of energy and ambition is now shrinking in on itself to hide from terrorists and bandits, threatening fire and brimstone. They are making good the promise of hell. The threat to our country’s existence is no longer hypothetical. It is real, it is present and it is growing more dangerous by the day.

    In the northern parts of our country, over 60 villages have fallen under the control of terrorists. In Borno, Boko Haram has resurged with deadly confidence, reclaiming spaces previously liberated by the military. Chibok, for example, which has been captured one hundred and eleven times, has now been taken over. Yet again. New extremist groups have emerged in the north central, enforcing Sharia in communities through sheer brutality. They now dictate how people dress, speak, and pray. A certain citizen, Lanlege Adewale, who was abducted and later had his left hand amputated, was left with a message on his release: this is a jihad. The jihadists mean business. Local authorities are helpless. In some places, they have simply vanished.

    In Abuja, the federal capital, kidnappers operate without resistance. They raid homes, block intra-city roads, and snatch citizens. Abuja is now afraid of itself, even in daylight. In southern parts of the country, especially in the South-East, South West, and South-South, kidnapping has become a booming enterprise. Criminal syndicates now operate with near impunity. Entire towns live under quiet sieges. What are the governors doing? Some are visiting the homes of their political opponents with bulldozers. They are on missions of political vendettas. Clap for them. These are not isolated incidents. They represent a steady, frightening erosion of the state’s authority on the one hand; and with respect to the governors, it represents executive rascality and overreach on the other hand. Citizens no longer look to the police or military for protection. Across our country, the rule of law has been replaced by the rule of fear. This level of insecurity would challenge even the most capable government. Unfortunately, our country does not currently have one. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in office for nearly two years, has yet to present a clear national security strategy. His administration responds to crises with silence or vague reassurances. There is no evidence that his government understands the scale of the challenge. There is even less evidence that it is doing anything meaningful to stop it.

    Meanwhile, citizens are battling not just insecurity, but hunger. The removal of fuel subsidies in mid-2023 was poorly planned and even more poorly implemented. The government gave no warning. There was no phased approach. There were no effective safety nets. Almost overnight, the cost of transportation tripled. The price of food soared. Small businesses shut down. Unemployment rose. Citizens who were already poor became poorer. Those who were already managing to survive fell into poverty. Hunger is now the scarlet letter, with apologies to Nathaniel Hawthorne, citizens wear around their necks. A bag of rice now costs what some civil servants earn in a month. Children are being pulled out of school so they can work and help feed their families. The elderly are begging on the streets. Citizens are surviving, not living.

    The situation is worse in the rural areas. Farmers cannot go to their farms because of fear of attacks. A few days ago, Fulani bandits turned up in Odame, a nearby community to my place of provenance, South Ibie, forcing helpless villagers to release a video with the simple message: Save Our Souls. In many places, bandits and terrorists have taken over farmlands, demanding levies and killing those who refuse to pay. Agricultural production has dropped. The country now imports what it once grew in abundance.

    In the face of all this, our political elites remain detached. Government officials continue to enjoy lavish lifestyles. They travel abroad, receive allowances, and attend endless meetings with little to show. When they are not ferrying foreign paramours and scarlet ladies to satisfy their libidinous cravings, they are turning governance into pornhubs, and into “the libido for the ugly”, to borrow from the late American journalist and essayist, Henry Louis Mencken. There is no sense of urgency. No empathy. No leadership. When citizens protest, they are accused of being unpatriotic. When journalists ask tough questions, they are called disgruntled elements. This government has become increasingly defensive, even as it fails to deliver on its promises. The result is a growing loss of public trust. The people no longer believe in elections. Many feel that their votes do not count. Truly, votes do not count. The judiciary has not helped matters. Controversial court judgments on electoral disputes have left many citizens feeling that to secure justice from the court is akin to fetching water from the stone. “Selectocracy”, as my good friend, Professor Chidi Odinkalu, aptly describes it in his newly released book, ‘The Selectocrate: When Judges Topple the People’, is now the fundamental objective and directive principle of state policy. Citizens have been reduced to spectators in a democracy that functions only in name. Faith in democracy is shrinking.

    The security agencies are overstretched. The police are underpaid and under-equipped. The military is deployed everywhere, from the forests of Zamfara to the streets of the South-East, and exhausted. In some cities, like Benin City, the military now chases Yahoo-Yahoo fraudsters. The State Security Service seems more focused on monitoring critics than dismantling terrorist networks. Citizens have lost confidence in the very institutions meant to protect them. This is not a sustainable state of affairs. A country cannot function when citizens live in constant fear and hunger. A country cannot survive when its citizens are afraid to move freely, when they cannot afford food, when they no longer believe in their government. It cannot survive when its democratic institutions are routinely and deliberately undermined.

    And yet, despite everything, our country is not beyond saving. The resilience of our citizens remains one of its most remarkable traits. But, resilience must not become a curse. Citizens must not suffer endlessly in the name of endurance. True, our country has millions of hardworking, intelligent, and determined citizens; and a large youth population with energy and ideas, with belief in justice, in fairness, and in progress. But belief alone will not fix what is broken. They deserve justice. They deserve security. They deserve a country. A country that works. They deserve a future. The political class must come to terms with the hard truth: business as usual is no longer sustainable, nor acceptable. The patience of citizens, once deep and enduring, is wearing thin. Their options are shrinking by the day. Trust in institutions is evaporating. If leadership continues to flounder, to deflect, or to ignore the clear and present danger, the urgency of now, something else will inevitably rise to fill the growing vacuum. And history teaches this: what emerges in the absence of responsible leadership is rarely democratic, seldom peaceful, and almost never lawful.

    The time to act is now.

    There is, still, the hope of redemption. The possibility of saving our country becomes real, not abstract, when citizens begin to reject the comfort of cynicism and the paralysis of apathy. It begins when they rise from passive spectatorship to active participation in the difficult, and necessary struggle to rescue a country already hurtling toward the abyss. This hope is not anchored in slogans or hashtags, but in deliberate, sustained civic engagement. Citizens must organise, register to vote, show up at the ballot box and defend the ballots; and hold their leaders to account, not just with outrage, but with structure and resolve. They must begin to prepare for leadership. Not on Twitter, but in ward meetings, at local councils, in state assemblies, and, in time, in the national arena. Only then can redemption move from a longing to a lived reality.

    Our country has been pushed to the edge before, but this moment carries a different weight. It feels more dangerous, more fragile, more urgent than anything in recent memory. The warning lights are no longer blinking. They are blazing. The clock is ticking, not metaphorically but in real time, and with every hour lost to denial, our country inches closer to the point of no return. Citizens, living through the crisis of existence that demands sober reckoning, can no longer afford the luxury of indifference. The handwriting is not just on the wall, it is scrawled across the streets, bus stops, markets, schools, and homes. They must act. To quote Marx, “every step of real movement is more important than a dozen programmes”. They must begin the step of real movement of saving their country than waiting endlessly for the dozen Renewed Hope programmes of the see-nothing and do-nothing President Tinubu and his lackeys that will never come.

    In God’s name, we have a country to save. And we must strive to save it with courage, with truth and with the conviction that the country we dream of is still possible. If we fail, the next generation may not inherit a country but a graveyard of broken dreams.

    God forbid, did I hear you say, dear reader?

  • Workers’ Day in Nigeria: A Day for the Unemployed

    Workers’ Day in Nigeria: A Day for the Unemployed

    By Abdul Mahmud

    Exactly a decade, three years, and a day to the eve of a Workers Day, I sat with my comrade and friend, Uche Onyeagocha. We spoke about the fate of Nigerian workers since the return to civil rule. In the middle of our discussion, Uche, lamenting their condition, said: “Mahmud, to talk about workers without talking about joblessness is dishonest. We cannot celebrate labour in a country that has no work. In our peculiar reality, the Workers Day, while highlighting the plight of millions without jobs or hope, should be a day for the unemployed”.

    Our country is once again celebrating another Workers Day, which once had something of meaning, something of pride, of unfurling of banners, raising of fists in the air, now feels like a joke. A cruel joke played on our workers. The screams of “Patria o Muerte, Venceremos”- homeland or death, we will overcome – still rent the air. The sound of brass bands still plays. But, the meaning that the day once lent to itself has since vanished. The stadia and parade grounds are still filled with banners and pious speeches. But the workers’ souls are empty. The parades continue. The workers’ rallies are now little more than symbolic pageantries characterised by dances that do little to alter the conditions of the working class. But the hope is gone.

    Forget the nonsense of Joy is Coming. There is no joy left. Only pain. Only hunger. Only memories of better times. Workers become ghosts. Present, yet invisible. Moving, yet stuck. Breathing, but barely living. What is a worker whose wages buy nothing? What is labour without dignity? In our country, a job does not always mean a living. Employment does not always mean escape from poverty. Work, for many, is simply another name for suffering.

    The officialdom calls May 1st Workers’ Day. The streets know it by another name. Go outside, look around. Who do you see? Those that the officialdom describes as workers. Teachers owed salaries for months. Nurses who buy their own gloves. Streets’ sweepers who live under bridges. Graduates selling Gala and Lacasera in traffic. There are jobs, the officialdom screams. But the jobs are fake. The statistics lie.

    The National Bureau of Statistics claims our unemployment rate is low. It says only 4.3% – a decrease from 5.0% in Q3 of 2023 – are unemployed. But how? On what planet? In what country? By what measure? If a man sells Zobo for one hour a week, he is counted as employed. If a woman fries akara by the roadside every two days, she too is employed. These statistics are based on the warped NBS methodology that considers anyone who works for at least an hour a week as employed. Wow! The numbers hide the truth, and conveniently conceal the mass unemployment that characterises the labour market. Here: the NBS methodology, illogical, defies commonsense. A fixation wrapped in statistical jargon, dressed as logic and facts. It is a trick. A magician’s act.

    Ours is a country of the jobless. Of the hopeless. Of the underpaid and the undervalued. The real unemployment rate? No one knows. But the evidence is everywhere. Young men on every street corner. Women roaming markets without stalls. Graduates writing CVs with no addresses to send them. A country bleeding potentials. Even those with jobs suffer. Salaries delayed. Pensions denied. Promotions frozen. Hospitals without medicine. Schools without teachers. Offices without electricity. Even Aso Rock, the symbol of presidential inaction, is even going solar. The Nigerian worker does not work to live. He works to survive. Sometimes, barely. The government promised to pay federal workers the minimum of ₦70,000. What is the value of ₦70,000 in today’s world? It cannot buy a bag of rice. It cannot pay rent in any city. It cannot fuel a car for a week. Yet that is what Tinubu calls the minimum wage. A shameful number. A national embarrassment. The cost of living rises every day. Prices double. Salaries do not move. Inflation has no respect. It eats without warning.

    Under President Bola Tinubu, things have worsened. The economy is in chaos. The fuel subsidy is gone. The naira floats like Sapele timberlogs on the River Ethiope. Prices of food and transport have exploded. The poor cannot breathe. The middle class is gone. The rich build new fences. Tinubu’s policies follow the gospel of the market. But the market is cruel. The market has no heart. It serves profit, not citizens. It listens to economists in foreign suits. It does not hear the cries in Ojuelegba or Mararaba. It has no time for the woman carrying basket of tomatoes on her head. Or the boy who walks five kilometres to school.

    It is neoliberalism that Tinubu calls it. Deregulate everything. Let the market decide. Cut subsidies. Cut support. Cut life. Build coastal roads that lead only to his pocket and the pocket of his crony, Gilbert Chagoury, not citizens. Build projects, not futures. That is the vision. That is the madness.

    But a country is not a magic show. It is not the magician’s bag. It is people. Human beings with dreams. With bones that ache. With children to feed. With hopes that die quietly in traffic. The workers suffer still. The youths japa. The factories close. The shops shrink. The streets fill themselves with despair. Our country is turning into a marketplace of sorrow.

    Where are the unions? Where is labour? Where is the rage? Where is the roar of yesterday? The Nigerian Labour Congress used to be a lion. Now it is an efulefu. A folded leaflet. A press release at noon. A handshake with politicians. Union leaders now sit with those who crush workers. They smile over tea. They tweet from air-conditioned offices. But the workers sweat. The workers cry. The workers are alone.

    The Workers’ Day has become theatre. A parade of uniforms and speeches. No soul. No fire. No fight. Only routine. Only performance. But the time for silence is over. Workers must speak. Loudly. Clearly. Angrily. They have nothing to lose but their chains. There is nothing to fear. Fear has already stolen everything. Fear has taken food. Taken shelter. Taken the future. What more can it take? How about the youths? Our country’s ticking time bombs. They are everywhere. On bikes. In kiosks. At betting shops. In embassies. Holding passports. Holding dreams. Many flee the country. Japa. That’s the dream now. To leave. To run. They are all running from a country that eats its own. The NYSC which holds the youths to wishful dreams has become a ritual with no reward. One year of service. Then what? Years of waiting. Of joblessness. Of rejections. Of regrets. The certificate means nothing. The future is blank. Our country breaks its youth. Then, it blames them for failing, for falling from non-existent grace to grass.

    A country that cannot provide jobs for its young is doomed. A country that watches its future rot has no future. The time has come to say it plainly: this country has failed its workers. It has failed its youth. It has failed itself.

    On Workers’ Day, there should be mourning. Mourning for the jobs lost. Mourning for the salaries stolen. Mourning for the factories closed. For the dreams buried. For the families torn by poverty. For the parents who cannot pay fees. For the children who go to bed hungry. There must be anger too. Not the kind that burns buses. But the kind that fuels action. That writes petitions. That mobilises. That organises. That doesn’t agonise. That demands. Citizens must ask: what is the value of labour in our country today? What does work mean in a country where working does not bring food? Where efforts do not bring dignity? Where contributions bring no recognition? There is wealth in Nigeria. There is oil. There is gold. There is gas. But the wealth is hoarded. The oil is stolen. The gold is smuggled. The gas is flared. The rich build castles. The poor build shacks. Inequality is the national flag.

    Let the Workers’ Day become a day of protest. Not a day of praise. Let it be a day of truth. A day of reflection. A day when workers stop pretending. When the unemployed stop clapping for suffering. When citizens start shouting. This country is at a crossroads. It cannot continue hurtling down the road of elite greed and mass misery. It must choose a new path. One built on justice. On fairness. On work that pays. On leadership that listens. Workers must be respected again. The unemployed must be seen. The youths must be given a chance. The unions must find their voice. And the government must remember: no country grows when its people are broken.

    Let us not say “Happy Workers’ Day.” There is no happiness here. Only struggle. There is pain. There is no respite. Workers’ Day must speak not only for the employed, but also for the unemployed, the jobless, the forgotten, and for those trapped in silence and idleness. They must be told: You are not invisible. Your struggle is known. Your worth is unquestionable. Until Workers’ Day is truly a celebration of labour, of jobs, of justice, let it remain what it is: a loud cry from the silent mouths of oppressed workers who have nothing but their silence and chains to lose. Today’s not Workers’ Day. It is the Day of the Abandoned. The Day of the Betrayed. The Day of the Unemployed.

  • Do You Believe In Spirits? 

    Do You Believe In Spirits? 

    There is something about today that is yet to settle in with you. Something that felt like someone invisible yet very near was watching you.

    The first time you had this feeling was at your boarding school at Ikot-Ekpene when a JSS 2 boy who stayed a bunk away from yours died. You’ve kept awake all night as rumours continued to spread of his visit to Akubue Paschal, a classmate of yours who had fallen sick shortly afterwards and who was said to have punished him some weeks before his death. But you’ve never punished anyone. Would he attack you for being there without saving him, for being a coward in the face of injustice? You felt the pain that followed the belt on the boy’s body and his eyes meeting yours calling for help, but you had looked away and went another direction just to avoid making enemies with Paschal.

    “You have no enemies, you say. Alas, the boast is poor. He who has mingled in the frail of duty must indeed have made foes. If you have none, little is the work you have done. You hit no traitor on the hip…you poured no cup from perjured lips, You’ve been a COWARD”

    This poem, whose author you have forgotten tormented you. After some days the feeling disappeared.

    The feeling came again in 2020 at Umusiome Hospital, towards the end of the days of COVID-19. You had thought the feeling came with the unfamiliar smell of the hospital…, ‘No, that’s not the word’, it was not an unfamiliar smell as you know this smell comes with some hospitals and that was not the first time you slept over or looked after someone in a hospital that smelled that way. Debunked, you began to think it was the incense burnt by the other patient, a short unpleasant man, with hands so short that it looked like they were pegged to his arms. This incense does not have the familiar scent of the one burnt by the Priest at SS. John & Paul (Iba Pope, Awada, Onitsha) during the Sunday benedictions or Holy Mass. When your brother was moved to another ward weeks later after your complaint, the feeling never went away, but you woke up one day feeling like it was never there, it’s gone.

    But these were years back. You’ve become an adult now, with malnourished strands of beards gathering at your lower jaw. You thought of going to Kachi’s place to spend the night. How much you’ve missed him, you told yourself – a ritual to emasculate your ego, but in actual sense, you were looking for a means to run away from your fears. It was not the weekend yet, it was still Wednesday and you would have Jurisprudence class the next day. The plan was out of the box.

    You live off campus, in a hostel called Woodland without the woods, just a stone’s throw from the school gate. The hostel was so quiet that you could hear the jiggling sounds of the onions being splashed fiercely by Obinna into the sizzling oils from his kitchen at the far end. You could have gone to knock at his place to start up a discussion but you dread talking to the fellow housemates as you are keen on the thing “Privacy”. His name you’ve learnt from other boys when they scream at him to pass the ball in their monkey-post football marches downstairs. He always looked at you in a certain way, the way that suggests that he wants to be your friend, or rather, that says “I know what you are”, so you avoided him more.

    “Let me go to night class”, you said out loud. At least it is the only place that registers little human interaction during the night. In the bathroom, baring your shy nakedness to the midnight blackness, you felt a hand run across the line of your spine. You jolted up almost immediately, the soap falling at a distance, you looked back in shock to see who it was, but saw no one. You ran your hands through your body, cold rashes hit the softness of your palm.

    “A mam na onye nche m no nso (I know that my redeemer liveth)”, your voice rang, a song you have learned to sing over the years to assure yourself of the presence of God. You quickly checked your phone, it reads 8:00 pm. It was time. Time to speak with Okenna, a friend who has been fighting cancer for the past few months. 8:00 pm has become a ritual you both have formed over the months. The past week, he has always been the first to call, and with each day, his voice became weaker, he laughed less and only listened to you talk and talk. Each call leaves you with tears, each call breaks you. You wondered why he had not called this evening and decided to clean up and call him.

    Opening the bathroom, there he sat, on your bed. “Jesus!”, you screamed, cleaning your eyes to clear off your hallucination but he did not vanish. You pinched yourself and you felt the pain. It’s no child’s play.

    “Onye?”, your voice asked, shaking, trembling, and panting audibly. He turned, smiled at you and vanished.

    Hours later, you woke up at the Health Center at Umueze, a pack of injections stuffed into your veins, with Obinna your neighbor seated beside you.

    “I know you saw something, I heard you ask ‘Onye’ before the loud scr..ea..m” He stuttered and stopped as if he realized it was not the best time. “You have got some missed calls from different people, but the name Kachi recurs and I have told…”

    “Help me dial Kachi?”, You said, cutting him short.

    The number at the other end rang for a while and then a familiar voice came up “Nnam ndo, I guess you’ve heard….”

    “Tell me nothing has happened to Okenna”

    “He passed…”

    You went quiet for some minutes before letting out a loud shout and falling from the bed, you opened your eyes, it was your room at Ikoyi, Lagos. It was 2025 and you are late to CDS thumb printing. Just a dream.

  • Ọdịnanị – Containment of Crashing Creeds

    Ọdịnanị – Containment of Crashing Creeds

    M.O Ene

    It’s an old-time orthodoxy: We are not alone. The cosmos is vast with visible and invisible constituents. Humanity strives to understand and use both natural and supernatural forces also called ‘deities.’ These forces regulate our ecosystems. A formidable force (Chiukwu) is believed to exist. The relationship between followers and the dominant deity varies.

    Ọdịnanị is Igbo scientific spirituality. ‘Science’ and ‘spirituality’ in the same sentence seems strange, but the gap in organic Ọdịnanị is not as wide as in imported revealed religions. Ọdịnanị focuses more on what is known but tests the edges of the unknown. When science levels up, it changes suitably.

    With the coming of Christianity, Ọdịnanị was castigated in religious circles as archaic and evil. The demeaning and destruction of shrines by Pentecostal preachers, the stealing and selling of sacred statues to foreign museums, continued until many European buyers rediscovered Jesus! No Christian cleric protested.

    With the current crashing and corrosive commotions in Christianity, economic recession, poor political leadership, and unconscionable display of newfound wealth, Igbo youths crave alternative paths to sustenance and success: flim-flam frauds, kidnapping, emigration, conversion to Islam, interest in fetish rites, rude radicalism… whatever works!

    Enter a crusading Igbo-Christian governor to degrade Ọdịnanị spirituality. Many critics doubt his denial because his actions target the tenets of traditional creed and exclude foreign faiths: Christianity and Islam. He has also declared his state “Christian,” in violation of the Constitution. He demands of ‘Ndị dibịa’ (the so-called ‘native doctors’) to prove the efficacy of concocted charms, but he endorses the Pentecostal fake-miracle ministers.

    Here hinges the main problem with Ọdịnanị: fear of traditional medicines (ọ́gwụ̀), which are physical and psychological, bio-based agents. Ọgwụ alleviate, block, or control sundry sicknesses. They include drugs, charms, mystic powers, and therapies. All potent prescriptions that promote good health, cure diseases, manage wealth or weather (as in rainmaking), and enhance success are “medicine” in Igbo worldview. The making of medicines, application, control, and functions differ.

    All religions make medicines for success; books, candles, oils, and prayers are medicines. The Igbo dibịa is an ethnopharmacologist, a motivational speaker, and an oracle. Folks should not cringe when they hear of elixirs for success such as ‘awaele,’ ‘ibobo,’ ‘okeite,’ and ‘uduákọmmiri.’ Crosses, masses, scapular, chaplet and rosary (Catholicism), mala (Buddhism), misbaha (Islam), menorah, chai (Judaism), incantations and invocations are “ọgwụ.” Do these potions work? Yes, like every prayer, 50-50… more or less! When dịbịa concocts ‘ọgwụ nshị’ (poison), it has similar effects as ingesting the insecticide Dichlorvos (SNIPER®) and the rodenticide ‘ọtapịapịa.’

    Ọdịnanị is not a religion, strictly speaking. Ironically, the crusading governor may catalyze a crucial change. It is the law of inertia. A clash of these crashing creeds is avoidable and unnecessary; constructive cohabitation is possible and mutually beneficial. The bishops and Daddy GOs must discourage continued castigation, condemnation, and demeaning deconstruction of Ọdịnanị.

    The fightback could grow into an unorganized religious revolution. Truth be told, every Igbo person is an Ọdịnanị devotee: the name we bear, circumcision, the kolanut communion, the new yam festival, ịgbankwụ, masquerading, etc. Also, Ọdịnanị has a large limit of ecumenical elasticity.

    Like North African-born St. Augustine of Hippo, we need philosophers and theologians to reform Igbo scientific spirituality (Ọdịnanị) and to reflect recent religious renaissance and regional realities of crashing creeds.

    @DrMOEne. M.O. Ene’s latest work, “The Fundamentals of Ọdịnanị” will be published in May 2025.

  • Why We Need To Bring Cash Back

    Why We Need To Bring Cash Back

    By Dr. Samson Abanni

    Some needs when delayed disappear. in the light of the economic challenges, it may be more advisable to return to cash as much as possible. Cash is not easily taxed. Let me put it in a better way. The financial system is one of the best systems used to collect rent because it’s easy to setup digital check points to collect fees. A single transfer of N50,000 can bounce around the country 100 times or more in 24 hours and each time, it will be taxed. And of course, we are seeing it in bank profits.

    Also, it’s easier to spend money when it’s not cash. You don’t feel the pain of the loss of hard earned money, so you spend more and the psychology is well known which is why there’s a massive push for adoption of digital payment systems-it’s easily policed and it is easier to collect rent. Account maintenance fees are rents you pay to economic elites who own these systems of rent collection and the federal government.

    Unlike platforms like piggyvest which pays you for holding your money and encourage you not to spend, banks are more or less paid for keeping your money. When we spend more via cash, we delay gratification more, and when needs are delayed in many cases, they disappear.

    You pay bank to keep the money. They use it to make more money. Then you pay POS, federal government for VAT and electronic transfer levy, and bank to withdraw the money. You also pay for sms to be told of the transaction.

    There are so many checkpoints where your electronic money is being made to pay “fees” before moving on, and because it’s digital, we don’t feel it. Every important stakeholder has his interests covered except the ordinary people.

    Let’s take a look at the journey of a certain N50,000. Immediately a man received his salary of N100,000, he sends N50,000 to his landlord to complete his rent. The landlord sends it to his child in school, who uses it to pay for two shoes. The vendor sends to his girlfriend who buys a wig from someone who borrows it to his sister via transfer and its journey continues, within 24 hours, that N50,000 can crisscross the country a thousand times, crossing different bank borders in 20 states. Each time, that money is taxed differently by different digital checkpoints.

    So, the same N50,000, before it’s done with its rounds, can generate a good part of N50,000 as profit for the financial stakeholders.

    Abanni is a Medical Doctor and Member of the Board of Editors of Pacesetter Frontier Magazine.

  • When Government Goes Rogue with Impunity

    When Government Goes Rogue with Impunity

    By Oseloka H. Obaze

    With the recent declaration of State of Emergency in Rivers States, Nigerians find themselves in the most discomfited circumstance. Their democracy is halting as its core tenets and pillars are continually eroded. The state of her democracy is now critical and tending discernibly towards being hopeless. What is true and real of Nigeria, is that the unfolding State failure has been a gradual process.

    In her constitutional governance history, no singular event has epitomized the injurious and disquieting state of Nigeria’s democracy than the grossly unconstitutional declaration of a State of Emergency in Rivers State. The intent, premise and process were all wrong – all very unconstitutional. President Bola Tinubu was criminally ill-advised. But his wrong decision was further complicated by the vagaries of Nigeria partisan politics and the willful acquiescence by the National Assembly to an odious and dubious process, which they are statutorily meant to checkmate. That was a double fault.

    Nigeria’s extant 1999 Constitution, which ought to be the governance ground norm, remains what it has always been; an expedient document of dubious parentage. It has no ownership: hence it has no defenders. This explains why the Constitution is continuously desecrated, even by the judicial arm of the government that has the statutory remit to interpret, uphold, and defend it. Inevitably, governance in Nigeria, at best, remains wablly in all ramifications.

    The adjunct to the bastardization of the Constitution by those in the Executive and Legislative arms is that fundamental constitutional rights of Nigerians are in parallel being systematically trampled upon, without consequences and recourse. Rule of law, due process and the attendant rights are all being circumvented. Nigeria is a Constitutional Republic that no longer adheres to her laws and founding principles.

    The Nigerian Government has visibly gone rogue and has become unwholesome, ineffectual and totally feckless and reckless. Leadership hubris is palpable. Governance is in disarray. State Capture is routine as is Cancel Culture. Presently, the Federal Government is treacherously tinkering with the administration of the States; while State Governors are whimsically usurping the rights and autonomy of Local Governments despite extant laws to the contrary. For most Nigerians, whatever residual hope there is, remains fleeting as suffering and disenfranchisement continue to gain toehold. With poverty now a norm, Nigerians are understandably disconcerted and discontented.

    Ironically, those who ought to speak up in Nigeria don’t. Two fearless elder statesmen who dared to consistently speak truth to power, Chief EK Clark and PA Ayo Adebajo recently bowed out due to natural attrition. There is a dearth of successors for them, which in itself, is an alarming reality. Meanwhile, the political opposition is gaunt.

    But there is a cadre of Nigerians, who fought hard to keep Nigeria whole. They are not speaking up; at least not collectively. Their taciturnity is exceedingly troubling. By implication, their reticence is a presumptive acceptance of the status quo, if not a tacit approval of the national drift and unscrambling. Perhaps, they are shortsightedly concerned about losing their accruing perks from the national cake. One wonders if they can’t discern that Nigeria is methodically being dismantled; in tandem with her ungoverned spaces that continue to expand exponentially.

    Incidentally, these are all presumably astute old men and women, who have nothing more to lose; and for whom the indivisibility of Nigeria should be the utmost preoccupation. Certainly, they can’t join the crass political elite carpet baggers, who justify their noxious relevance with the mantra, “if you can’t beat them, join them.” If they do, then they will figuratively mimic maggots that feed off a carcass, but soon enough confront only dead bones. Then, they too die.

    These so-called “owners of Nigeria” – military and civilian cohorts alike- must have an urgent and inevitable conversation for several reasons. Nigeria isn’t at its optimal best. The warped 1999 Constitution is being gutted in ways never imagined, by Executive Fait, especially as regards the Federal Character Principles. Statutory appointment and stipulated retirement age are ignored with impunity. Incidentally, Nigeria remains a pluralistic and multi-ethnic and multi religious country. And nothing can change that except if Nigeria ceases to exist as a nation. And that is an option, farfetched as it may seem.

    For now, the Nigerian nation is living a convenient lie. The rulers and the ruled are all estranged, unhappy, nervous and mutually suspicious of each other. As hunger and poverty are statutorily weaponized, the simmering anarchy might seem benign. Yet it is as if everyone is just waiting for the next shoe to drop. Sardonically, if the “owners of Nigeria” don’t speak up now, when the ongoing disassembling is done, the Nigeria mosaic would have evanesced.

    Facts are stark. President Muhammadu Buhari’s eight year in office was an era that enthroned nepotism, bigotry and blinkered parochialism without apologies. Nigerians stomached that twaddle and the attendant illiberalism foisted by the “cabal,” perhaps, in the self-deluding pretext that such governance modalities were aberrations -an outlier of sorts that would soon pass. They were resoundingly wrong. Then President Bola Ahmed Tinubu emerged. If Buhari enthroned and canonized nepotism, Tinubu is presently legitimating and codifying it. The Legislative and Judicial arms have proven his ever willing accessories. The recent declaration of a State Emergency validated this contention beyond any doubt.

    Today, the Legislative and Judicial arms are appendages of the Executive arm and this is a mockery of their statutory classification. Checks and balances in government are all but dead. So too, is the separation of powers. Suddenly governance is profligate – and to some, such aberration seems acceptable. Contemplating the equal but separate classification has become mythic and academic. Clustered together, the 10th National Assembly is as sad governance joke.

    In a recent personal note to me, a veteran civil service and governance expert, who once served in the Presidency said: “Federal institutions have become ethnic enclaves with the North and the West driving the process.” Imponderably, the South-East remains remote by design. This default chasm is not ancillary or germane to progress or true nation building. Neither is national retrogression a desirable or utilitarian building block for development, stability or peace and security.

    Nigerians are confronted with dangerous national drift to a unitary government; to a one-party state, if not to absolute authoritarianism. The last time Nigeria brushed Unitarianism, we know what sadly followed. Our history should thus help us interrogate the emerging scenario. Paradoxically, it seems no one can muster the courage to speak up. Nigeria’s political opposition is clearly in disarray. If indeed there is any truth to the recent allegations by Nasir El Rufai, then we know the identikit of the puppeteer that manipulates and undemocratically pull the national opposition parties apart.

    Nigerians should all be acutely distressed when their government becomes reckless and goes rogue with impunity. For their part, the “owners of Nigeria” can’t mimic Nero. They can’t afford to. Reticence or traditional conscientious objections are not viable options. And Nigeria’s problems cannot be wished away. This assertion is not conjectural and for anyone to think that it is will be courting delusion. What’s to do? The “owners of Nigeria” –they know themselves- must now have that seemingly elusive and difficult conversation on Nigeria’s fate and future. That conversation, difficult as it may be, is long past due. The time is now. Chaos is imminent. Delay is dangerous.
    ——-
    Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

  • Encomiums as Governor Mbah Clocks 53

    Encomiums as Governor Mbah Clocks 53

    By Ejeh Josh

    Born March 17, 1972, Governor of Enugu State, Dr Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, has continued to receive encomiums from Nigerians, especially among his people, as he marks 53rd birthday anniversary.

    Different sections of the society are pouring in their tributes, describing the young governor as a man of many qualities, shattering the barriers of leadership and doing the seemingly impossible through his mantra of disruptive innovation which he introduced into governance.

    “He has done it before. He did it in the private sector, where he disrupted the supply chain of the mid and downstream sub-sector of the oil and gas industry. It was an unimaginable feat, and when he embarked on the journey, many of us who were already established players in that sector thought such uncanny idea would end up into a cesspit of nightmare and tale of failure.

    “He, however, pulled the plug. From 14 days to 24 hours. He displaced the inefficiencies, consigned the waste and singlehandedly saved the nation of costs – environment, human health, that ephialtes called demurrage, and made the process more efficient for Nigerians. That almost eliminated the tortuous riddle of fuel scarcity.

    “So, when he promised disruptive innovations in the public space during his campaign, I knew he had a lot to offer, but not to the extent of what we are seeing today. There is almost a 360-degree turnaround in what used to be the notion behind public leadership – and the governor has laid that foundation, the state has rapidly taken off on its development trajectory, and you start wondering if this was the Enugu we used to know few years ago,” Engr. Rafiu Briggs, a major dealer in the oil and gas industry had reeled out the testimony about Mbah.

    Mr Briggs’ immersive impression of the governor was only one out of many. Only recently, a former senator from Enugu North senatorial district, Chuka Utazi, had narrated how he lost his way in the state as a result of the sudden shift in the development process which realigned the state’s landscape. The state of infrastructure was swamped with decay arising from years of leadership droughts and mismanagement. There was a great hue and cry among the residents of the state calling for intervention on the decaying state of infrastructure and total relapse of the economy.

    In less than two years, the magic was done. This rather was a magical moment, used figuratively to describe the science behind the disruption witnessed in the governance model that shattered that leadership ceiling in the state. Across the 260 electoral wards of the state, landmark projects worth billions of naira are on top gear. The state transitioned from its static stature of a stunted adult to one setting a giant pace in the country. Enugu became the beautiful bride where analysts and Nigerians point to as a rallying point for good governance.

    That is a quick reminder of Ruchir Sharma’s “The Rise and Fall of Nations” which highlighted key indicators he called rules of thumbs to understanding a nation’s economic trajectory and the intentionality of triggering a shift from the cobwebs of established traditions to something novel and innovative. While the journey to disrupting the “incremental development process” became increasingly unpopular among the political leeches rationalised by their conservative prejudices was ongoing, Mbah’s will to recalibrate the state from a state belonging to a cartel of parasites to people-oriented society gives Enugu the shape it has taken in recent months.

    From restoration of security confidence to re-tooling the economy, infrastructure, human capital development, youths’ upskilling and education, Enugu shot itself into the moon, becoming a new beacon of hope; a city on the hill. Today, Enugu has maintained that reference point for good governance as people travel from other states to behold its magnificent sites and sweeping vistas made possible by the emerging governance model. Only a leader who is not just competent and disciplined but uncannily financially prudent can muster the courage to pick a state wobbling from years of abuse and neglect and remodel it within months to the envy of its contemporaries.

    In describing the governor’s selfless service, the President-General of Enugu State Development Association, Igwe Abel Nwobodo, an elder statesman, referred to the inspiring transformation the state is experiencing under the current dispensation. Moving Enugu from a public service status to private-driven economy appeared insane an idea to conceive looking at the incompatibility it posed. But Mbah had not only shown its possibility, Enugu state is priding itself as an investment hub with opportunities for local and international investors.

    On his part, the Chairman of Nkanu West Local Government Traditional Rulers Council, HRH Eze Barr. Igwesi Obi Igwesi, did no mince words in describing the governor’s interventions as transcendental.

    “What we are witnessing in Enugu State is transcendental. The governor’s mind knows no limitations. He conceives a thing and births it against all odds – a genius of the first class order.

    “Mbah deserves the accolades and encomiums poured on him on his birthday because as a people, we are proud of all that he represents”, the Monarch added.

    While those from the private and public sectors have something warm and positive to say about the governor from the prisms of his commitment and dedication to service, public servants – teachers, civil servants, retirees, local governments’ workers are not left out. They have found their voices through the governance structure set up by the Mbah administration to help them fulfill their dreams and live meaningful life. That’s the society where inclusion, equity, equality and justice reign.

    Promotions of workers as at when due, salaries and emoluments, pensions and gratuities, including other incentives are now taken for granted under Mbah’s leadership. While not stopping there, the governor marshalled what is now known as, “Rural Dwellers’ Allowance” for teachers as a way of encouraging quality education among people in rural communities.

    With the Smart Green Schools, the primary healthcare system and other social services going on across all the electoral wards in the state – the first in the history of Nigeria – the coast to birthing a new smart state positioned as one of the future largest economies in Africa is a matter of time.

    Happy 53rd Birthday to the Sheriff of Good Governance.