Category: Opinion

  • The Story of My First Love – Chimamanda Adichie

    The Story of My First Love – Chimamanda Adichie

    My father was a professor, and we lived on the University of Nigeria campus in a house full of books; bougainvillea plants lined our driveway in splashes of purple. This was the small, gated world of my childhood: I went to the university primary school, the university children’s library, the university chapel for Sunday Mass. Everyone was similar—safe and sedate academic people—our lives circumscribed by the tended campus hedges.

    In my teenage years, I walked two streets to the university secondary school, whose reputation attracted people from out of town, especially the children of wealthy traders from Onitsha, the location of the largest market in West Africa, that bastion of unsophisticated chaos. For the first time I knew people who were not like us. Bush was the word we used for their gaudy style, their mixed-up English tenses, their imported school sandals.

    Echezona’s sandals were orangey brown with wedge heels, and he walked in a comical strut. He was popular and brash, a ringleader of boys; he often missed school and got into trouble with teachers and loitered during class hours. I was utterly uninterested in Onitsha boys like him until one day, I was so aware of Echezona the air pulsed if he passed by. How strange that a feeling can grow unprompted, from nothing, surprising even your own heart. I began combing my short Afro more carefully, looking in the mirror to see not myself but myself as seen by him. I was 14 and he was 16. I was an academic star and he had abysmal grades. I wasn’t sure he liked me—I was his junior after all—until his friends came to me to say, “Echezona wants to talk to you.”

    “Then he should come himself,” I replied, falsely cool.

    The first time he walked me home, he was quiet, almost solemn, his eyes trained ahead or downward, never once turning to me. I thought he was being superior until I realized with surprise that he was shy. To sense his shyness was to feel the intimacy of discovery, of seeing a different version of a person, suddenly known only to you. He took to walking me home. “I want us to be boyfriend and girlfriend,” he would say, and I would reply, “I have to think about it,” even though I wanted nothing more. One day I said yes. And so began a cracking open of my sheltered world. A rush of new bewildering air. My unlikely first boyfriend. His was an exquisite attentiveness, open and faltering, reaching but not quite holding my hand. Often, his skin brushed against mine. He treated me with care and a kind of fear, as though I might fall and break into pieces. (I thought of him when I overheard an aunt say in Igbo, “A man must hold you like an egg.”) I was not to be rushed, and so it was months before the trembling deliciousness of my life’s first kiss, standing near the quarters in our backyard where our house help lived.

    “You are the finest and most intelligent girl I’ve ever seen,” he told me.

    I was held bound by his animation, his exaggerations. He believed in ghosts and blood betrothals. He wanted us to swear that no matter what happened we would wait for each other and get married. He said he would throw himself in the path of a car if I ever stopped talking to him. He made me laugh and laugh; he was serious but difficult to take seriously. He told obvious lies. He would miss school and, while walking normally, say he had broken his leg the day before. I was unimpressed with his indifference to school, but fascinated, nonetheless. He never read anything. In his sparse notebooks, his childish, unformed handwriting was endearing to me. The first time he gave me a love letter, I knew he had not written it himself; his friend had. The same friend who came to my class one morning during the harmattan season and held out Echezona’s red sweater. “Echezona said you look cold.” I slipped my arms, myself, into that woolen softness, and long after the morning cool had given way to a fierce sun, I still wore his sweater.

    “What do you even talk about?” my university campus friends asked, their faces stricken, as if I had gone mad, and in their eyes the unspoken words bush boy, rough boy, unsuitable boy.

    I don’t remember, and what I remember I don’t always trust. Memory fades but it also self-selects. Our memories try to protect us, and often what slips from our remembering is what is best left behind. I barely remember that I heard Echezona stole money from his father and tried to bribe a teacher for test questions. I remember how his face lit up each time he saw me, his grin impish and boyish and eager to please. I remember the ease of being with him, how sullen I was when he missed school, how bereft during vacations when I spent hours on the phone in my father’s study trying to get through the crackling Onitsha lines. On my birthday he gave me a scented satin rose. The perfumy scent became overpowering if you shook the tall case in which it came. I hid it in a cupboard because I feared my mother would ask me to return such an expensive, inappropriate gift. It was shortly after my birthday that he told me he was leaving, his father was sending him to a tough boarding school, but we would remain together no matter what. I cried, as if I sensed how quickly we would lose touch, our letters and phone calls trailing away, and how soon I would have a new boyfriend from my world, a professor’s son.

    Echezona died in my first year of university. A friend walked up to me as a lecture hall emptied out to say that Echezona had been shot at a bank in Lagos; he was driving in to deposit a check when armed robbers ran in and started shooting. I stared blankly. I was used to stories of robbers who climbed through unlocked windows at night to steal televisions from campus homes. The extreme, random violence felt so far away as to be surreal. It couldn’t be. I couldn’t cry. For months I carried this news without looking at it until, in a horrific coincidence, I went to a newspaper office in Lagos for my first-ever interview as a writer after publishing a book of poems, and the journalist showed me a wall of award-winning photographs that stilled my body in shock. The journalist asked what was wrong, and I pointed at a photograph.

    “You knew him? I’m sorry. It was a terrible robbery at the bank nearby.”

    Echezona’s head was slumped against the car seat; his blood a deep gray in the black-and-white photo.

    I will always remember the existential sagging of my spirit, as if something I longed for would now never be. And something I wished untrue was now forever true.

    I kept trying to erase that image from my mind, to replace it with his walk, his laughter, his easy switch from shy to outrageous and back again. That photo forced an acceptance on me: He really was gone. I had not heard from him in three years, we were old enough to be separated by our interests, and I knew when he left my school that we were unlikely ever to be together again. Yet I mourned the future that would now never be. With the pain and sadness came a strange sensation of having been cheated. He was my first love, but in dying, he became an idealized future that I could have had. Maybe this is why my new novel, Dream Count, is haunted by the idea of the one who could have been, the one made perfect by loss. After I left the newspaper office, I began desperately searching through a pile of old things for the card he brought me when I was sick with malaria, the only piece of his handwriting I had. Inside the card, written in his uniquely shaky hand were the words: To my one love Ngozi, from your own Echezona.

    First published in Vogue

  • Nigeria in 2025: A Banner Without Stain

    Nigeria in 2025: A Banner Without Stain

    By FEMI ADESINA

    The ruckus over a new (which is in fact old) National Anthem has subsided. And as with many other things, Nigerians have moved on. We always do.

    For those of us who were in school in the 1960s and 70s, ‘Nigeria We Hail Thee’ was the staple we fed on. It was our very beloved National Anthem. Melodious and inspiring. We felt like doing anything, going anywhere for the country whenever we sang it, as young as we were.

    But in 1978, they said we were changing to a new Anthem. ‘Arise o Compatriots, Nigeria’s Call Obey.’ I was a Class 3 student in secondary school then, and willy-nilly, had to learn the new one. I didn’t feel it was as good as the former one, but they mouthed things like patriotism, and having a home grown National Anthem, not one composed by a foreigner. We moved, as obedient citizens.

    For some years, there had been agitation from certain quarters for a return to the old Anthem in the country. It was even a major issue at the 2014 Constitutional Conference convened by President Goodluck Jonathan. Majority of the conferees opted for it.

    So when the Bola Tinubu administration reverted to ‘Nigeria We Hail Thee’ some months back, I had no issue with it. A lot of people argued that it was the least of the country’s problem at that time, but to me, ‘Nobody Worry Nobody.’ I didn’t have to relearn the old Anthem. It was firmly stuck in my brain, and I had even taught it to my children when they were younger.

    Now, to where we are going, as we enter the year 2025. Look at the last two lines of the second stanza of the new (old) Anthem: ‘To hand on to our children, a banner without stain.’

    Very deep. Fundamental for any entity that would truly be called a nation. We are not a nation yet, but mere conglomeration of ethnic nationalities. Hopefully, we will one day become a true nation.

    But before we get there, the banner of Nigeria must be without stain, and it must be handed over from generation to generation.

    ‘To hand on to our children, a banner without stain.’ I shudder to admit that currently, the banner of Nigeria is filled with stains, and has been so from the beginning. Bloodied. Sullied. Smudged. Besmirched.

    Pity!

    When Major Kaduna Nzeogwu led the first military coup in the country, and they shot people from certain parts to ribbons, it was a stain on Nigeria’s banner. On our unity.

    When the revenge coup occurred later, and it was also sectional in execution, another smudge on our banner. Eventually, there was a pogrom against an ethnic nationality, which eventually led to an internecine civil war for three years. Over two million people were killed, and it was a huge stain on our banner.

    Corruption is a sully. Ethnicity is a tarnish. Irredentism, religious intolerance, chauvinism in any form, wanton killings, terrorism, insularity, evil speaking, hatred of people in authority simply because they are not from our clan, negative confessions about our country; all these besmirch our banner as a land and people.

    But to build a true nation, we must hand on to our children a banner without stain, from generation to generation. It, therefore, means that we must eschew all anti-nation acts, predilections and tendencies, which suffuse ‘our own dear native land’ today.

    We must believe in our country, warts and all. William Cowper said: “England, with all thy faults, I love thee still. My country.” We must also say of our land: “Nigeria, with all thy faults, I love thee still. My country.”

    A banner without stain. To be called a nation, we must achieve it, if not in our time, then in the time of our children.

    *Adesina served as Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to President Muhammadu Buhari, 2015-2023

  • Alake and Matters Arising in the Mining Sector in Nigeria

    Alake and Matters Arising in the Mining Sector in Nigeria

    By Okey Ikechukwu

    Let us start the new year on this column by looking at the mining sector and some matters arising therein. This is particularly important because of the much-talked-about need for alternative streams of largescale income for the nation. About two weeks ago the ban on solid minerals exploration and exploitation in Zamfara state was lifted by the federal Government. This was coming after more than five years of a “no fly and no go” zone imposed on the state’s miners, mining sites and environs, in 2019 by the Buhari government, due to serious security and humanitarian concerns.

    Zamfara State and its home of large-scale gold mining, known as Bukuyum, is a place I have visited in the past. The grinding poverty and visible misery in that mineral-rich community presents a frightening contrast to the billions the land yields up on a regular basis to both legal and illegal miners. The long table of food times laid out at the local government headquarters during the visit was raided by half-clad, desperately hungry and partly bewildered looking children and youths. Some of those who helped to lay the table and place the food and plates joined in the free for plunder of the meal table. It was a pitiful sight to behold.

    The expectation at the time the Federal Government imposed a ban on mining activities in Zamfara State, under President Buhari, was that the activities of bandits, and other security concerns, would abate in the wake of the ban. Many observers justifiably considered it a short-term emergency measure, especially given the perceived linkages between banditry and illegal mining activities in the area. But the expected gains did not materialize. Meanwhile, the ban was not lifted.

    The decision to lift the ban last year was based on the current government’s perception, as announced by the Minister for Solid Minerals Development, Dr. Dele Alake, of “significant improvements in the security situation” across Zamfara state. It would appear that this development arose from new, intelligence-driven, and better-coordinated, security operations that led to the progressive and visible elimination of major leaders of criminal gangs and leaders of bandit groups.

    The observable reduction in incidents of insecurity, as well the elimination or capture of some of the most wanted bandit commanders, like Halilu Sububu, in open and covert operation gave fillip to the recent decision to resume mining activities in Zamfara. But the essential point for me in all of this is the fact that the nation stands to gain much by the revitalization of mining activities in the Zamfara axis. Of course, with the necessary security, regulatory and other logistical entablements in place to guarantee sustainability.

    While the ban lasted, the miners who were officially and formally granted lease by the mining cadastral office to carry out mining activities had to hands off, and stay off, the area. While these duly recognized miners were held in abeyance by the ban and the law, the space they left unmanned was taken over by non-state actors like bandits and illegal miners. The proceeds of these questionable mining activities were going into the pockets of individuals, especially bandits. Sundry marauders and other socially disruptive stakeholders were also the beneficiaries.

    The massive quantities of gold, lithium, copper and other associated minerals in the state were thus being mined during the period of the ban, but not in the interest of the nation or its treasury. The positive security mileage that would have come from the ban, as well as the good intentions behind it, were nowhere to be see. Instead, the ban unintentionally opened the space for unlawful activities that worsened the security problems in the area.

    If the as much as 200 kilogrammes of gold could be found in the camp of the now-neutralized bandit leader, Sububu, can you imagine what has been going on with many bandit leaders like him in the last five years?

    Yes, the ban has been lifted, as announced by the minister, but the illegal miners are still there. Yes, there was the Presidential Artisanal Gold Miners Initiative (PAGMI), under president Buhari, which was designed to bring the unlicensed fringe actors in the sector within a regulated umbrella. It was designed to ensure that the government and the nation block a revenue and resource leakage, in the interest of the national treasury.

    But let us not forget that the whole point of renaming illegal miners and creating a presidential initiative for their “domestication” is for them to be quickly brought within the Standard regulatory Environment (SRE) established for the sector. That is why PAGMI should perhaps be reviewed in such a way that a timeline for integration and better streamlined mining sector determined. Its relevance to the Solid Minerals Development Fund is understandable, but the ministry must decide now whether PAGMI should be retained in perpetuity.

    As mining activities are now set resume in Zamfara, the minister must also consider the predicament of many companies whose facilities and machinery were vandalized and even taken over and badly damaged by illegal miners in the five years that the ban lasted. Yes, banditry is now “degraded” in Zamfara, but it is still there. The ruined communities still have many existential problems to deal with.

    It is good that part of what the minster has put in place is a security tax force, known as the Mine Police, also now called Mining Marshal Police by some, to combat illegal mining and smuggling. But we must also worry about their capacities and military firepower, vis-a-vis, the bandits they have to contend with; especially bearing in mind the military grade training of some bandits. The Mining Act guarantees protection for all licensed miners, but it does not guarantee the quality, or dependability, of that protection.

    Yet the good news remains. This is what the Minister had to say about the lifting of the ban: “The existential threat to lives and properties that led to the 2019 ban has abated. The security operatives’ giant strides have led to a notable reduction in the level of insecurity, and with the ban on exploration lifted, Zamfara’s mining sector can gradually begin contributing to the nation’s revenue pool”.

    One thing is clear, namely, that the lifting of the ban will improve government regulation of mining activities in the state, especially after the “five years eaten by locusts”. It will also improve government revenue and give the mining sector an improved regulatory framework for effective intelligence gathering to combat illegal mining and ensure the nation benefits maximally from the state’s rich mineral resources.

    As for the recent controversy surrounding the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) Nigeria signed with France, there is no question of Nigeria relinquishing control of its mineral resources to, or entering into any military pact with, France. Not at this point in our national history. So far, available information suggests that the core of the MOU is on training and capacity building for mining professionals. Yes, we need further technical and financial capacity development and support in the sector and some of that can be provided by the French, but not at the expense of our national sovereignty.

    Ours is a nation endowed with substantial solid, liquid and gaseous mineral deposits, for which extant internal capacities are not enough. We have such rare endowments as columbite, tantalite, beryl, aquamarine, lithium and tourmaline, besides gold, coal, tin, lead, zinc, limestone, granite, laterite, barite, gypsum, kaolin, marble, iron ore and wolframite. We need to bridge the gap between our natural endowments and our capacity for their exploitation. It is only through clear-eyed technical partnerships, technological support, security of the operating environment and reforms and guaranteed regulatory compliance that the sector can be taken to greater heights.

    This ministry must be supported in its efforts to live up to its mandate of helping the nation to maximize the expected benefits of the solid minerals sub-sector. This sector is one sure route to economic diversification and the expansion of revenue streams for the nation. It is only with well thought out policies, regulatory guidelines, fiscal incentives and effective partnerships that the minister can administer all aspects of mining and mineral exploitation, such as issuance of permits, licenses, leases, collection of rents, fees and royalties, prospecting, quarrying, mining, handling, sale and consumption of solid minerals. And all of this on templates that are guided by global best practices.

    In addition to the aforementioned minerals, our lithium, graphite and nickel, which are vital for the global energy transition of today places Nigeria in the spotlight, because of growing interest by global investors and rising global demand for these minerals. The unique opportunity to stan d forth as a key supplier in this emerging market is here with us.

    What needs to happen, in addition to the good works being done so far are: (1) Availability and accessibility of high-quality geological data. (2) Popularization of the National Integrated Mineral Exploration Project (NIMEP). (3) Improvements in critical infrastructure, like roads, rail, and power supply. (4) The leveraging of public-private partnerships (PPPs) to fund and develop such infrastructural support services. (5) The review of the existing incentives framework for mining, to determine whether it is sufficiently attractive to investors in the sector. (6) Disaggregating and evaluating fiscal and non-fiscal incentives to ascertain to what extent they are competitive and aligned with investor expectations and global industry practices.

    Finally, the ministry and the minister need to keep The Nigeria Mining Week in the front row of their enlightenment and public visibility programmes. It serves as a good forum for networking in the mining sector. The connections made, the opportunities, the conferences and technical sessions from each edition offer great opportunities. Stakeholders are enriched with knowledge, stronger industry connections, and a renewed sense of optimism for the sector’s growth. The minster’s surmising, that Nigeria Mining Week has evolved into more than a gathering of industry experts and is now “a powerful forum where we refine our shared vision, aligning our goals to create a robust, self-reliant mining sector in which Nigeria’s mineral wealth serves as the backbone of economic diversification, job creation, and community development, advancing our national interest for the benefit of every Nigerian” is easy to understand.

  • Nigerian Leaders and Their Advisers

    Nigerian Leaders and Their Advisers

    By Oseloka H. Obaze

    President Bola Tinubu’s Maiden Presidential Media Chat on 23 December, 2024, elicited understandable eclectic reactions. There were rave reviews and some unfavourable judgments. As 2024 ends and Nigerians behold 2025, there will be more punditry and assessments of the 500-and-something days of Tinubu’s rulership and a peep into the crystal ball to ascertain what the political future portends for him as a leader and for Nigeria under his watch.  For the moment, two viruses have afflicted Nigeria’s policy and decision-making space – bad leaders and bad advisers.  Often, observers focus on the leader and hardly on the coterie of advisers that are indeed ill-advising the leader.

    Except perhaps for researchers and academics, most Nigerians will not readily recount who were the Ministers, Special Advisers, and Advisers to former Nigerian military leaders and presidents.  Except for a few, most advisers faded into oblivion with the passing of their respective regimes and time.  Most, did not even record the accounts of their stewardship for posterity. Still Nigeria’s history is replete with public policy decisions obliquely foisted on the nation by whimsical and insensately ambitious political advisers, who never serve as good governance guardrails. That mindset persists in the present administration.

    It is worth recalling that Ironsi’s imposition of unitary government on the nation in1966; Gowon’s decisions to renege on the Aburi Accord in 1967 and  to postpone  the military handover date in1975; Shagari’s decision to travel to India while Necom House was burning in 1982; Buhari’s enforcement of the  infamous ‘Decree 4’ of 1984; Babangida’s annulment of the 1993 elections; Shonekan decision not to retire Gen. Abacha in 1993; Abacha’s decision to execute the Ogoni Nine in 1995 and Jonathan’s decision to run in 2015, were all products of policy recommendations by the so-called presidential advisers.

    INEC’s decision to dump the BVAS and IREV during the 2023 presidential elections was fraught with controversial consequences. Likewise, Tinubu’s removal of the petroleum subsidy without a default option caused national havoc; while a skewered 2024 Tax Reform Executive Bill had to be withdrawn due to public opposition. Not one single adviser took responsibility for these warped national policies that impacted negatively on the nation. There were no consequences whatsoever. Ironically, these advisers do not go through legislative vetting. And those who do, often, do not face rigorous confirmation processes.

    In the 1970s, 80s, and 90s, there were a slew of good and bad political advisers.  The niche and excesses of the bad advisers were not so glaring then because there was ethnic balancing and Nigeria’s oil wealth and the accruing global clout mostly did the talking. Then also, we could afford to throw oil money at our national problems and oil countertrade at our interlocutors.  Not anymore!

    Yet as in Nigeria and elsewhere, political experts seized with philosophical basis of governance, contend that “Political advisors are playing an increasingly important role in modern democracies, prompting various attempts to describe and understand the evolving and complex aspects of their new responsibilities.”

    Thinking along these lines, any political science or governance undergraduate worth his or her grades, would readily tell you that they read Niccolò Machiavelli’s The Prince in their first year; and that he or she believes that every purposeful national leader should read the pithy book at least once. Indeed, it is assumed, and correctly so that most successful political leaders keep a copy of The Prince on their nightstands, after all, there is hardly any modern language into which at The Prince has not been translated.

    Present and future global leaders will need to heed Machiavelli’s counsel insofar as the role of their advisers.  So too must President Tinubu. After all, as surmised by Professor Haig Patapan,“The Prince is arguably the most well-known and provocative assessment of the relationship between leaders and advisors.”

    What is the relevance of The Prince to Nigeria’s present leadership? Shall we tell the President? Incrementally there’s absence of robust bipartisan policy debates. Rather, the present crop of Nigeria leaders and their advisers seem fixated on insatiable pursuit of wealth and materialism at public expense. The attendant risks are profound. Covetousness will never result in satisfaction, especially when greed eats probity for breakfast. Our leaders seem unsatisfied of robbing Nigeria blind.

    As Machiavelli warned “When advisors and princes are thus satisfied, they can trust each other, but if not, the end will always be disastrous for one or the other.” As he admonishes, “any bought loyalty is insecure.” Hence his advice to leaders is to act for the good of the state and to avoid self-interest. Thus, rulers should choose wise and honest advisers.  In the past 18 months Nigerians have gleaned certain negative values from extant governmental policies, practices, and programmes. Official malfeasance is rife and prevailing Malgovernance stretches incredulity; as advisers seem to be in government for themselves. Also Machiavelli averred that “the first opinion which one forms of a prince, and of his wisdom, is by observing the men he has around him. If they are capable and loyal he will be considered wise….But when they are lacking in those qualities, one form a bad opinion of the prince, for his first error was in choosing them.”

    Our present crop of presidential advisers tends to exhibit crass political idiocy. They engage in state capture and consider Nigerians ignorant. If Nigerians have thus formed a bad opinion of President Tinubu, it derives in part, from his error of choosing his advisers. The men and women he has around him are very un-Nigerian; they are neither patriots nor on the lookout for broad national interest and inclusivity.  They fan bigotry and willfully put themselves first, before country. Perhaps they follow their leader’s precepts. At a time when Nigeria is on life support and needs urgent resuscitation; at a time when Nigeria needs selfless and exemplary leadership in all arms and tiers of government, our national leaders and their advisers are hardly forthcoming. Such faux leadership style and disposition is simply disconcerting. History does not always repeat itself; but it has very comical but wicked ways of mimicking the atrocious past.

    ________

    Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

  • FROM THE ARCHIVES: The Igbo Spirit By Peter Alexander Egom

    FROM THE ARCHIVES: The Igbo Spirit By Peter Alexander Egom

    I am of the Igbo stock from Ukala-Okpunor in Oshimili North LGA of Delta State. I am 61 years of age and have from late 1965, during my undergraduate days at Downing College, Cambridge, England, been fascinated by my people, the Igbo, and specifically by what makes them such a pulsating enigma of a people.

    It was, indeed, a chance remark by the late and distinguished scholar in Social Anthropology at Cambridge, Professor Meyer Fortes, which set me on my lifelong journey of private enquiry into the ethno-spiritual makeup of the Igbo. My then larger-than-life and boon companion was my fellow undergraduate at the Cambridge University faculty for Archaeology and Anthropology, Mallam Ibrahim Tahir of BBC Bush House fame. As was our wont, we were on this particular autumn afternoon having tea at a teashop that was just across Ibrahim’s King’s College when our Professor in Social Anthropology, Meyer Fortes, walked in and sat with us for a chat. One thing led to another and we soon found ourselves discussing ethno-types in Africa.

    Professor Fortes had been one of the bright lights in Lord Bailey’s team of Africanists that did the regular tome of Africa Survey for the British Foreign and Colonial Office. And Professor Fortes told us that, according to Lord Bailey, the Igbo, out of the legion of African ethnic groups they studied, were the least encumbered with any cultural baggage. In a manner of speaking, the Igbo come light and go light with the baggage of culture.

    Of course, Professor Fortes assumed that Ibrahim and myself knew what Lord Bailey meant with the concept of cultural baggage and did not venture into any explanation of it. But as soon as he took his leave of us, Ibrahim and myself fell to a very passionate but friendly discussion of this hazy concept. And, if my memory serves me right, we eventually let the matter be without agreeing on what the concept of cultural baggage stands for. But there was something, which my mind could not let be after this encounter. I had to know more about my people, the Igbo, who come light and go light with the baggage of culture.

    My lecturer in Social Anthropology at Cambridge, Mr. G. 1. Jones an ex-colonial administrator in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, and an Igbophil of sorts, was on hand to give me advice on where to find materials on the Igbo. And what I could glean from the diverse tomes of Igbo historical and ethnographical that came my way was this. There was no love lost between the European slave-dealers and colonialists and the Igbo either on the continent of Africa or in the Diaspora. Igbo slaves were difficult to handle, prone to rebellion and bad for the economy of the slave-owner. And, the fear of the Igbo was, in a manner of speaking, the beginning of economic wisdom among European slave-owners and, later, colonialists.

    The Igbo was a troublemaker and a troubleshooter in bondage as one saw in Haiti in the rebellious years leading up to the overthrow of the French and the independence of the island in 1805 and in the Southern States of North America where Igbo slaves jumped into the sea rather than face slavery! So, the Igbo were bad news as a slave. And in the restricted freedom of colonial Nigeria, as the colonialists saw to their continued irritation, the Igbo was uppity, difficult to convince and difficult to lead. He was never really the darling of the mandarins of the British Foreign and Colonial Office at Whitehall, London!

    But, all of the above was what European predators thought about the Igbo! I was not satisfied with it. I wanted to know what made the Igbo uppity, difficult to convince and difficult to lead in the restricted freedom of colonial Nigeria and what made him a troublemaker and troubleshooter in the bondage of slavery abroad. I simply wanted to touch the Igbo spirit in order to better understand who I am. And the books I read then in England could not lead me anywhere in this direction. And so I shelved the project of my search for the essential attributes of the Igbo without knowing whether I would ever come back to it.

    But, did I really shelve this project? Not at all. For what I failed to realize at this time in Cambridge is that I had begun a lifelong journey of an inquiry into my essential, I as a member of the Igbo stock and that this project could never be shelved until the very day I died. Indeed, my search for what makes the Igbo what he is is my search for my true identity as a full-blooded Igbo. There is no way my mind could rest the matter as soon as it had embarked upon its search. So, what I do now see, in retrospect, is that my mind has been, for nearly four decades now, trying to put a tangible structure to the Igbo spirit. And what I do give in this brief write-up is my status report on what I think makes the Igbo what he is as a man of vision, mission, adventure, integrity and compassion. But, before I embark upon this my brief ode to the Igbo spirit, let me fill in the reader with a few titbits about my life after going down from Cambridge in June 1966.

    My flight back to Nigeria was scheduled for that blighting day of July 29 1966 and had to be shelved until August 4 1966. I made it to Lagos on that day and came to see a Nigeria that was calm on the surface but was doing unspeakable horror and mayhem to the Igbo in Lagos, at Ibadan and all over Northern Nigeria. But I never felt that I was in danger and went about Lagos without any fear for my life. And in so doing I came to catch an instructive glimpse into the mind of the Igbo.

    The heavens were about to fall upon him and even the ground he stood upon was giving way under him. Yet, he did not panic. He reacted with bone-chilling firmness and maturity. Kai, was I happy to be an Igbo? Save, for the Roman Catholic Church, the Igbo had no friends at home or abroad. This is what I saw with my own eyes in Lagos from August 4 1966 until July 18 1967 when I was taken into a seven month detention spell at Ikoyi and Kirikiri prisons and mercifully kept out of harm’s way in the hands of my fellow countrymen. And after my release from detention on March 14 1968, I bolted for Europe on April 18 1968.

    I spent the ensuing fourteen years in Denmark and Tanzania teaching social anthropology, reading and teaching economics and doing research in economics. But in late 1982, nature and culture reached out to me in Denmark and brought me back to Nigeria for keeps. And on my coming back to Nigeria, what I saw, after twelve years of the end on January 15 1970 of the Biafran hostilities, was as marveling to me as it was encouraging. The Igbo, my people, were back into the mainstream of the Nigerian socio political and economic life as if nothing had occurred between 1966 and 1970.1 was happy to be back to Nigeria and I have no desire whatsoever to ever leave Nigeria again for anywhere else. Why so? Because the Igbo spirit is the future of Nigeria.

    The Igbo spirit is not a conquering spirit, an imperial spirit or an exploiting spirit. The Igbo spirit is an Afro centric spirit, a competitive spirit, a liberating spirit and a spirit that restores. In fact, the Igbo spirit is the quintessential IslamoChristian spirit of the common good as one finds in the holy books of the Quran and the Bible. Thus, the Igbo spirit thrives and lives by the democratic ethic of one for all and all for one.

    This is the liberating and restoring spirit that is about to encompass Nigeria and to take her to great heights of material and social plenty and of individual freedoms. And there is nothing anyone anywhere on this earth or in the heavens can do to stop this Igbo spirit from encompassing and elevating Nigerians and the black race as a whole. For the matter has long been settled in the highest heavens, the abode of God Almighty.

    So, it is quite understandable that the Igbo must go through, as they are doing today, the harassment and chicanery of the sworn enemies of light and of the liberation and restoration of the black race. The Igbo spirit is the bearer of light and where light comes, darkness must disappear. So what we are experiencing in Nigeria today is the era of pitch-darkness, which must precede the dawn of freedom and plenty. In fact, what we are witnessing in Nigeria today, with the Igbo bearing the full brunt of it, are the thrashing death-throes of an old and uncaring dinosaur of a Nigeria of the ungodly where local slave dealers have unleashed, on behalf of their old European slave-dealing puppet-masters, a culture of impunity and lawlessness on all Nigerians and especially on the Igbo. But it will not last. This is simply so because the 21St century is the century of the African and the Igbo are in the forefront of the war for the economic liberation and empowerment of the black race. This is what makes the Igbo spirit the ethical template of the future for the common good of all Nigerians and every black person.

    What then are the attributes of the Igbo spirit? One, it is God-fearing and God loving. Two, it is democratic to the core. And three, it is private enterprise write large. The Igbo puts God Almighty at the center of his sociopolitical and economic life and this is what explains why he is so fiercely democratic and so competitively entrepreneurial but so passionately communal to the core.

    So, the Igbo spirit is not about the ethnic subjugation of one group by the other. Rather, it is about the opening up of equal vents of opportunities for the small as for the medium size and for the big, for the weak as for the half-weak and the strong.

    It was, indeed, this very stark and unmistakable difference between the Eurocentric spirit of oppression and enslavement that rules Nigeria today and the Afro centric Igbo spirit of liberation and restoration which will rule Nigeria tomorrow that I had in mind when I wrote as follows on pages xviii and xix of the Preface to my book of 2002, “Globalization at the Crossroads: Capitalism or Communalism? ”

    “Consequently, the centre is extremely attractive to any budding ethnic politician in Nigeria. For, they are all ethnic politicians. It is there at the centre that the financial and fiscal power of Nigeria is concentrated. So, every ethnic politician wants to get to the imperial centre at all costs. And when he eventually gets there, he wants to keep the imperial reins of Nigeria’s financial and fiscal power within his ethnic bailiwick for all time and at all costs. It is an ethnic winner-take-all affair where only the ruthless and the idolatrous survive.

    “However, we do want a Nigeria that has ample room for all of us. This Nigeria must deal, even handedly and fairly, with all of us no matter the physical size of our persons or the purported numerical strength of our ethnic origins. Equal representation and participation for all of us shall be the whole of the law. Thus, each and everyone of us, individuals and groups, who belong to Nigeria must be allowed to use our native and achieved financial, human and material resources for our private good and for the common good…”

    But the reigning Eurocentric spirit of oppression and enslavement in Nigeria today is the sworn enemy of democracy. This is so because it puts Mammon, instead of God Almighty, at the centre of the socio economic and political life of the Nigerian. This is the source and sustainer of the culture of impunity and lawlessness, which pervades all levels of governance in Nigeria today. For where Mammon is in charge, do what thou wilt is the God-hating and God-baiting whole of the law. Fortunately, however, the Afrocentric Igbo spirit which seeks to put God Almighty first in the thoughts, words and deeds of the Nigerian, is, most certainly, around the corner to consign this Eurocentric spirit of the congenital blighter, the cowardly scourge of the Nigerian and the black race, back to the pit of hell where it belongs.

    Therefore, the Igbo in Nigeria have nothing to fear but fear itself. They should always bear it in mind that to whom a lot is given, a considerable much is expected in return. God Almighty has blessed them with the knowledge of the financial and industrial ways and means of turning sand into gold. It is their duty to open up and spread this knowledge among their ethnic neighbors in the near and far beyond of Africa in order to forge such an ever widening and concentric wave of financial solidarity among different ethnic groups in Nigeria and Africa, that will empower each African ethnic group to yield its best of social and industrial products for the common good of all Africans and to the glory of God Almighty.

    In fact, the true social message of the Igbo spirit for the Nigerian in particular and for the black race in general comes straight from the Catholic Social Teaching and more specifically from St. Paul’s 2 Corinthians 8: 1315 and St. Peter’s 1 Peter 4:10 as follows: Financial solidarity among Nigerians and Africans leads to the industrial subsidiary of each Nigerian and each African. This is what the dividend of democracy is essentially about. It is the enabling environment to dream dreams and to see one’s dreams work out in practice in one’s lifetime. And this social message that allows the zillion flowers of entrepreneurial excellence to bloom in Nigeria and in Africa as a whole is the essential social ethic of Islam as in Qur’an 16:90 al’adl walihsan. Hence, the Igbo spirit is the IslamoChristian ethic for the economic liberation and restoration of man in Africa and beyond.

    Consequently, the Igbo in Nigeria and in the Diaspora should take heart and continue to put all before the Throne of Grace. For their past and current tormentors, both Eurocentric and local, are just but a passing storm in a God-baiting and God-taunting teacup. Uyagami!

    NOTE: Peter Alexander Ashikiwe Adione Egom, the Legendary “Motor-Park Economist”, wrote this article which has been republished by PACESETTER before he died on March 3, 2013, aged 70.

  • Changing Nigeria’s Reality – Oseloka Obaze

    Changing Nigeria’s Reality – Oseloka Obaze

    Nigeria’s paradox is that it is as simple as it is complex. In Nigeria, both the simple and complex are fungible. Primarily, Nigerians make simple and straightforward issues unnecessarily complex. Bad leadership, in turn, compounds already complex issues. The sum total of this byzantine political alchemy is that in her sixty-four years of independence, Nigeria’s prime challenge has been and remains how to overcome the bad leadership and poor governance that has riddled her national elite cadre with levitas.

    Successive Nigeria leaders, both military and civilian cannot be accused of lack of commitment to nationalism. The problem is that they were never properly schooled on the fundamentals of delivering good governance that fosters stable nationalism. Most Nigerian leaders in the three tiers of government, assume perfunctorily that getting into power would make them good leaders. In truth, the reverse has always been the case. You had to be a good leader before getting political power. Nigeria is also a nation, where the political processes are hackneyed. Thus Nigeria’s allied political institutions are manifestly fashioned to hoodwink and prepurposed to be sufficiently and unapologetically malleable. Consequently, national institutions are by default, weak. Sardonically, no nation with weak institutions is ever strong and resilient. And Nigeria can’t be an exception.

    Often, the point is made that lack of elite consensus adds willy-nilly to Nigeria’s problematique. But lack of elite consensus, is a choice; a contrived default option, which having permeated the national mindset, is now institutionalized groupthink. This groupthink favours a revolving-door or musical-chair syndrome that is hardly predisposed to proper succession planning that should compel mandatory leadership training. Think of this; very few, if any Nigerian leader leave public office and venture into the classrooms of Nigerian tertiary institutions to teach. What is lost, is the unique opportunity to pass on to future leaders, priceless lessons learned and missed opportunities. That mix of theory and practice is invaluable where it is made readily available.

    I’ve always suspected that returning to teach our future leaders would be for most Nigerian politicians, utterly condescending and infradig. Then, again, most are ill-equipped to undertake such tasks. For this reason also, the mission and raison d’être of the National Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) as a strategic-agenda setting institution has long been forgotten, if not abandoned. Not long ago, I irreverently but jokily asked John Kayode Fayemi, the former Governor of Ekiti, why in electing to return to the classroom after his tenure as Governor and Minister, he chose Kings College London, over University of Lagos, University of Ibadan, Ahmadu Bello University, University of Nigeria, Nsukka and Obafemi University at Ile-Ife. Fayemi politely laughed off and parried my question. He understood fully, the import of my question. He confirmed my suspicions.

    Ironically, the hallways of great and renowned global universities – Harvard, Cambridge, Sorbonne, Oxford, Berkeley, Makerere, Achimota, Legon and Stanford – are littered with former world leaders and policymakers, who are Fellows and Visiting Scholars. Last September, some former global leaders gathered in Athens, Greece, for an international dialogue focused on governance, security, and the economy. The key theme was “Lessons for Future Leaders.” Only two Nigerians were in attendance; but from other nations came former presidents, prime ministers, senators, opposition leaders and retired ranking military generals. Indubitably, there are inherent lessons to be gleaned from such auspicious gathering. It underlined that governance matters. Given our stark realities, training in good governance ought to matter all the more.

    Nigerian leaders love clichés and highfalutin political sound bites. So our leaders parrot buzz words like, “due process,” “best practices,” “rule of law,” “quick-wins,” “low-hanging fruits,” “special purpose vehicle,” “benchmarks,” “gender-mainstreaming,” “added-value,” “fiscal responsibility,” “environmental impact assessment,” “counterpart-funding,” and “value chain.” Such political and policy-driven jargons often picked up from civil society organizations and non-governmental organizations needs-assessment and mission reports; make our leaders sound smart, credible, important and hands-on. But it’s all about airs; vacuous airs fraught with ruse and legerdemain. Those bereft of good governance credentials also mouth those platitudes easily.

    What Nigeria needs in order to change her present sad reality, is to orchestrate the emergence of purpose-driven leadership or a disruptive leadership. This type of leadership is not just visionary; but also adaptive and transformative. It’s a leadership that understands that scoped and sustainable governance entails mission focus, and short, medium and long term plans in order to succeed. Above all, it’s a leadership class that calls for continuous self-sacrifice. Yet, it is not just enough to have a cadre of leadership that meets the prima-facie requirements of leadership. Such leaders must also be accountable in their personal and public conducts. Collectively, Nigerian leaders have shown a crass inability to self-censure or to censure their colleagues. As a group, the national leadership –read national elite- has forever and a day, turned a blind eye to members of their cadre who are scofflaws or engaged in suborn.

    Leadership in Nigeria is much more tilted to precept than practice. We are as a nation, now dubious about speaking truth to power in matters of dire national interest. If ever there was an optimal case study of progressive State Capture, present day Nigeria fits the model squarely. Yet it would seem utterly asinine to broach that topic in any civilized Nigerian company, talk less of governmental circles. It’s oxymoronic to be talking of rationalizing government, and cutting costs, while in reality, engaging in extreme fiscal profligacy. But who cares? Aspiring for Nigeria to model itself after South Korea, Dubai, Taiwan and Singapore, requires more than lip service. It requires disciplined leadership. It requires understanding history- ours and those of countries we seek to emulate – and putting such history to good use in our governance decision-making. It requires training. But leadership training does not happen in a vacuum. It’s a life-long process.

    Issues and problems that hobble Nigeria are commonly known. So too are the sustainable solutions –beyond our fixation with prophylaxis targeted at bad governance symptoms. So, whether we wish to tackle our decrepit hard infrastructure; or our hierarchy of needs-based social infrastructure, we know what is required. Similarly, we know what to do to lift millions of Nigerians out of multi-dimensional poverty. Ditto for tackling the scourge of out-of-school children; banditry, visceral violence, insecurity our parlous economy and debt overhang.

    Changing Nigeria’s reality requires no magic wand. The coalition that brought APC to power in 2015 was predicated on subsidiary interests. Now, another coalition based entirely on national interest is required to flip the change. All it requires is a thorough orientation and a new national mindset fostered by candid retrospection and introspection. The process will require a combination of like minds and rivals – “a team of rivals” – of sorts to bring it about. Such alliances will consist of a “Coalition of the Willing.” The common denominator will still be self-preservation, but not as an adjunct to the present unwilling collective, but as an integral remedial component of the nation already on the road to perdition and on the brink of self-destruction.

    The state of the nation is bleak. Some may still wish to varnish the status quo. Whether, varnished or burnished, the gravamen of the irrelevance and inefficacy of “Renewed Hope” is that in this promised instance, hope is merely a loss leader that has all but died in Nigeria. Those who had the courage to grab power ought to have the courage to accept their comeuppance. Rather than tackle the present realities, some are already segueing to 2027 as if that date is a certainty.

    If that day comes, this much should be obvious, given our present realities. The 2027 general elections will be Nigeria’s first true referendum on good governance. It will be APC vs. Nigerians. Those will be the only two parties contesting. With any luck, primordial interests will be set aside in the national interest and Nigeria’s patriotic and moral majority will finally carry the vote. Meanwhile, this is the juncture at which we must begin to make Nigeria whole again. Don’t wait for 2027. Procrastination is dangerous. Delay may be fatal. I’ve said my piece.

    Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka. 

  • The Legacies of Engr. Raymond Nwobodo Okenwa, MNI, OON; Burial Ceremony Holds Today at Nkanu-East

    The Legacies of Engr. Raymond Nwobodo Okenwa, MNI, OON; Burial Ceremony Holds Today at Nkanu-East

    Publication sponsored by: IKENGA NKANU WORLDWIDE

    Raymond Nwobodo Okenwa was born on April 18, 1949, into the Royal Family of Igwe Ogbuzulu Okenwa Nwadenyi, Igwenezoruoha I, of the Umuokenwa Nwedenwachi Clan in Umuchiani, Oruku, Nkanu-East Local Government Area (LGA) and Madam Mary Nebiem Okenwa, from Umuchinwoko in Akpugo, Nkanu-West LGA. Both parents came from esteemed lineages in Nkanu land in Enugu State, Nigeria.

    At 30, he married Catherine, fondly called “Obunanma” (meaning “one who dwells in beauty”) in September 1979. They were blessed with four beautiful children, many grandchildren, and numerous foster children.

    Raymond completed his primary and secondary education at St. Patrick’s School, Amọji-Nike and College of Immaculate Conception (CIC), Enugu, respectively, before earning a degree in Civil Engineering from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka in 1976. He also studied at the International Institute of Public Administration, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., in 1982 and at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria, in 1999.

    During his National Youth Service Corps in 1976, he worked with Ekwueme Associates in Jos and joined Structeng Associates as a Branch Engineer. He later moved on to Unipetrol Nigeria Limited, where he served as a District Engineer in Jos and Enugu from 1978 to 1981.

    Raymond transitioned to public service in 1981, becoming the youngest Permanent Secretary in the old Anambra State Civil Service from 1981 – 1984. His career in public service was notable for his steady rise through the ranks due to his unwavering honesty, exceptional track record, and unblemished integrity. He served in various roles across multiple government ministries, departments, and agencies, including:-

    Sole Administrator of Awka Local Government (1984 – 1986): He resolved a long-standing dispute between Awka and Amawbia communities, earning him a commendation from the Anambra State Government. He also established the site for Awka Stadium.

    – Sole Administrator of Nkanu Local Government (1986 – 1988): He completed significant projects, including the electrification of Agbani, the commissioning of the Agbani water borehole, and the extension of water pipelines to the Local Government Secretariat.

    – Sole Administrator & Chairman of Onitsha Local Government (1989 – 1991): He successfully launched a multi-million Naira road development fund in Onitsha, facilitating urbanisation of the administrative region.

    – Sole Administrator of Enugu South Local Government (1991): He spearheaded the setup of the new local government, including building and equipping its headquarters.

    While serving as the Chief Executive of the Enugu State Rural Development Authority (1991 – 1996), Secretary of the Enugu State Civil Service Commission (1996 – 1997), and Director-General of Enugu State Government (1997 – 1998), Raymond oversaw the successful completion of several rural roads and water projects, led government initiatives in rural development policy and implementation, and earned a reputation for strengthening public policies within the state.

    From 1997 to 2001, he served as Permanent Secretary of several ministries in the Enugu State Government. He was then appointed Head of Civil Service in Enugu State from 2001 to 2004. After that, he moved to the federal level, where he served as a Director in the Federal Civil Service from 2004 to 2005, and Federal Permanent Secretary from 2005 to 2009.

    As a Federal Permanent Secretary, Ray represented Nigeria at various international conventions, including serving as Nigeria’s Commissioner to the Development 8 (D-8) Organisation from 2007-2009, representing the country among seven other member nations: Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey.

    He notably served as Nigeria’s Chief de-mission to the International Junior Science Olympiad and led delegations to major international events. In 2008, he represented Nigeria at the UN Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space in Vienna and stood in for President Musa Yar’adua at the UN Sub-committee on Disarmament in New York.

    In 2009, Raymond was awarded the national distinction of Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON) and received the Meritorious National Public Service Award for his outstanding service. He retired in the same year, leaving behind a remarkable legacy and impeccable integrity.

    At home, Ray, as he’s fondly called, was an extraordinary husband, father, grandfather, and mentor. His deep love for his wife, Kate (a retired Permanent Secretary in the Enugu State Civil Service), children, grandchildren, and immense pride in his family was evident. He was admired for his optimistic attitude, generosity, and cheerful demeanour. There was never a dull moment with him; watching soccer or Nollywood movies with him was always filled with fun and laughter.

    Ray was a prominent and well-respected social figure known for his inclusive nature and passionate support for justice and peace. He held the chieftaincy titles “Nnanyelugo,” meaning “father has bestowed honour upon me,” and “Mmiri N’Anyu Egbe,” which means “water that quenches gunfire,” symbolising his excellence and protective nature toward the people of Oruku. He was a respected member of the Oruku Social Club of Nigeria and actively participated in his family union, Umuokenwa Nwede Nwachi.

    Ray was a cheerful gentleman with a kind heart who really enjoyed meeting people and was always ready to listen and offer help. He loved music and reading and was passionate about education and sports, especially tennis and soccer. His dedication to sports and belief in supporting young talent was very remarkable. As the Sole Administrator of Awka LG, he sponsored an Under-17 soccer team that won the state championship in 1985. In 1987, as the Sole Administrator of Nkanu LG, he sponsored another Under-17 soccer team that won the inaugural edition of the Governor’s Cup. In 1990, as the Sole Administrator of Onitsha LG, he sponsored the Under-17 soccer team that won the Governor’s Cup and the national championship, enabling them to represent Nigeria in the international youth soccer championship in Atlanta, U.S.A., in 1991.

    Ray lived a simple and selfless life. His honesty and contentment serve as inspiration to those who knew him. He leaves behind a legacy of love, kindness, peace, and enduring memories that will forever be cherished and missed by all.

    He was, is, and forever will be loved and remembered.

    Adieu! Nnayelugo I, Adieu!! “Mmiri N’Anyu Egbe I of Oruku, Adieu!! Nwa Igwenzolu Oha I of Oruku
    We miss you so much!

    This piece on the Life and Times of Engr. Raymond Nwobodo Okenwa MNI, OON, was written by his Family.

  • A Digital Dawn For Enugu: Appraising Governor Mbah’s Innovative Smart School Projects 

    A Digital Dawn For Enugu: Appraising Governor Mbah’s Innovative Smart School Projects 

    By Steve Oruruo

    Long foretold, the world has finally gone fully digital. How did we get here? First came the modern binary system in 1679, thanks to Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz. Then George Boole’s work in 1847 on mathematical logic opened the door to universal computation. Decades later in 1954, General Electric installed UNIVAC I, demonstrating the first business use of a computer in the United States. In 1956, IBM developed the first computer storage system based on magnetic disks and practically invented RAM. Fast forward to 2007 when Estonia became the first country in the world to use internet voting in a parliamentary election. And now, in 2024, Tesla is sailing the ship of digitization and technology through uncharted waters, leveraging the ‘superhuman’ power of artificial intelligence. If Tesla’s genius in the design of electric autonomous vehicles including spacecraft is not impressive enough, what about Optimus, a robotic humanoid Elon Musk recently showcased to an intrigued audience, which is poised to automate most human tasks, from the mundane to the cerebral. Someday, Optimus or its likes will serve you food in a restaurant and stop by your house in the afternoon of the next day to teach your kids advanced algebra. Finally, Artificial intelligence-backed large language models are inspiring a rethink of the philosophy of intelligence and compelling the overhauling of global education systems. ChatGPT and Google’s Gemini have become easily accessible ‘all-knowing’ companions. The digital era is here and no society can afford to be left behind. Governor Mbah has sworn to plug Enugu State into this grid.

    Like most things in life, technology has wrought its fair share of ills. It is powering cybersecurity attacks and internet frauds. Nothing from financial systems to municipal utility distribution systems is safe. It is catalyzing mis- and dis-information, with far-reaching implications for the integrity of electoral systems and the sanctity of democracy. Technology is birthing weapons with unimaginable powers of guided destruction. Intercontinental ballistic missiles have never been as efficient and precise as they are now. And armed with nuclear warheads, mankind is the flick of a few knobs away from an apocalyptic anti-climax. Global superpowers are even spawning robotic soldiers that will completely eliminate the interpersonal and emotional dimensions of warfare. However, the benefits of digitization and technology far outweigh their demerits. It is growing economies through stimulating creativity, invention and manufacturing, and through enabling global economic connectivity. It is the unsung hero of modern agricultural breakthroughs such as the development of drought and insect resistant crop species, and the installation of sophisticated irrigation systems that make fertile paradises of arid climes. Thanks to technology, surgeries are becoming more daring and efficient, at a fraction of associated traditional risks. Finally, technology is re-modernizing education, the bedrock of society’s continued development. It has taken us from chalks and blackboards to slides and projectors, smartboards, learning management systems, and realistic instructive simulations.

    While developing countries in Africa and Asia are playing catchup at excruciatingly slow pace, Enugu State’s visionary leader, His Excellency Governor Peter Mbah, is making lunging strides into the digital landscape. Barely over one year in office, the Mbah administration has launched the 260 Smart Green Schools initiative, whose transformational tentacles will permeate every ward in the state. He is bringing a digital tomorrow to our own very shores, targeting every demography. The significance of this initiative is multi-faceted and goes beyond its face value or readily decipherable elements and implications. It is a gift for the present but also a gateway to a new dawn. It will ignite a cannon of milestones that will integrate Enugu into the arterials of the world’s globalized economy. Ages ago, geographies could connect to one another through pigeons, and horse and camel rides. Then human civilization progressed to vehicles, ships and aircraft, and further to telephone and the internet. Now, a teenager with a vision and access to rudimentary technology can tap economic value from the Silicon Valley ecosphere, from the confines of his modest apartment in Obiagu. Social media content creation is making millionaires of ordinary plebians who earn foreign exchange from countries they haven’t even heard of. India’s economy is boosted by concerted leveraging of digital technology to provide in-demand services to global corporations. A family-owned start up in New Delhi makes millions off doing business with Amazon and ExxonMobil, based thousands of miles across the ocean in North America. The direct immediate impact and future prospects of Governor Mbah’s smart schools initiative and other similar programs currently in incubation, will position Enugu at a vantage point to replicate the digital-enabled economic growth spurts of countries like India and China, and bridge the chasm between us and the Goliaths of the Global North. These will be accomplished through raising technology-aware educators, future generations and bureaucrats, and doing away with the analog infestations in our current systems across sectors. In Governor Peter Mbah, Enugu, Nigeria and Africa have our own Xi JinPing and Elon Musk, contemporary visionaries of like mind and drive.

    From as early as next year, your kids and mine will be receiving world-class education using state-of-the-art technologies. Using digital resources, they will start gaining early experiential exposure to the fundamentals, theories and practice of circuit theory, genetic engineering, mechatronics, robotics and cosmology. We will soon produce generations of software gurus who will develop modules for futuristic exoplanetary exploration and create robotic humanoids to perform groundbreaking brain and fetal surgeries. This is the future Governor Mbah promised and is on track to deliver. He is laying a solid foundation and sparking an unquenchable chain reaction that will linger through political transitions. Construction is at an advanced stage and nearing completion in several wards across the state. Over 11,000 smart school teachers are already recruited and being trained at the Centre for Experiential Learning and Innovation, in preparation for takeoff. This is far from business as usual. We have a governor thinking and acting with superhuman convictions and cloaked in divine armor, on a mission to pluck Enugu State from the doldrums of analog ideologies and systems, into digital eldorado. Our schools are getting launched into the era where hackathons will be a regular afternoon activity in primary schools, and secondary school jet clubs will boldly reimagine cancer therapeutics through molecular engineering.

    Governor Mbah’s smart schools initiative integrates sustainability, the “green” phenomenon our planets needs to heal and survive the massively growing anthropogenic pressures exerted on it. The industrial revolution was an economic messiah but unlike the infallible Almighty, was a double edged sword – in its trail were disasters such as ozone layer depletion, proliferation of so-called forever contaminants like PFAS that cause incurable diseases, and global warming. The polar ice caps are melting at the risk of cities washed away by heavy floods. Intense heat waves grace us ever so often nowadays, and hurricanes and typhoons are intently wiping out communities all over the globe, like Florida. Climate change is also exacerbating tropical epidemics and drought, all formidable dangers to life and its quality. Governor Mbah, cognizant of these phenomena, is giving us technology tampered with moral and sustainability considerations so that mistakes of the past are not repeated. What an iconic 21st century leader.

    Ndi Enugu, we asked for a leadership above the pedestrian mismanagement of statecraft and public trust. But God in His wisdom blessed us with a man who has strikingly delivered beyond our expectations, perhaps with alluring panache and passion. During the general election campaigns, he succinctly captured the persuasive details of his blueprint. We trusted him with our votes and gave him our resounding mandate. Barely a year after taking the reins, he has hit the ground running at blistering pace. Development is a marathon but Governor Mbah is dashing through it faster than Eliud Kipchoge, the legendary long-distance Kenyan athlete without recourse to identify politics, clannish profiling and manifest biases in favour of any geo-political zone. Only a few could have believed this was possible. The Smart Green Schools initiative is one of many pioneering ideas in his political cocoon. With Enugu’s Peter at the helm, our state’s education system is on the verge of witnessing unprecedented transformations. We will go digital and produce a solutions-oriented future generation that will lead global thinktanks of technological innovation. Governor Mbah, clay in hand, will mould your kids and mine into billionaire techpreneurs and astronauts. Juxtapose this with other developmental programs like the construction of state-of-the-art Type-2 Primary Health Centers in the 260 electoral wards in the state, the international hospital, the international conference center, the emerging 5star hotel, the presidential hotel, the gigantic asphalt plant, the dualization of Nike-Opi Nsukka road, and the pattern becomes more decipherable. – Governor Mbah has a multi-pronged plan to make Enugu State the model 21st century society, leveraging the full power of digital technology. Interestingly, he is in a haste.

    Steve Oruruo writes from Enugu

  • Enugu State at 33 and Mbah’s Impressive Actualisation of its Founding Fathers’ Dreams

    Enugu State at 33 and Mbah’s Impressive Actualisation of its Founding Fathers’ Dreams

    By Prince Ejeh Josh

    On August 27, 2024, Enugu State commemorated its 33rd year of existence as a legal entity and state within the Nigerian federal system. But for the dark clouds and the thunderstorms on that fateful Tuesday, August 27, 1991, everything else was normal —the hustle and bustle of the buzzing atmosphere. The weather was only clearing up to rain, perhaps in preparation for the big news.

    However, due to the typical entrepreneurial nature of Igbo men and women, many had defied the gloomy sky to tend to their businesses and farms. In what appeared to be a twist of fate, a historic announcement was made by the administration of the then Military President of Nigeria, General Ibrahim Gbadamasi Babangida. It was the creation of new states in the country. Enugu State was formally carved out of the old Anambra State. Enugu and Anambra States made the list. This news erupted jubilation from every nook and cranny of the region. Lofty dreams and heightened expectations from these newly created states left many people basking in a state of euphoria.

    It’s worthy of note that Enugu as a society predates the state creation brought about by political and economic exigencies as far back as 1909, when one of the world’s finest coals was discovered in abundance by Europeans —otherwise known as colonial masters.

    Enugu city, perched on the beautiful hill of Ngwo and stretching gracefully down the flora and fauna of Nkanu hinterland became a nucleus of both white and blue collar job seekers, and a commercial hub of the entire region due to its richness in coal deposits. Following Nigeria’s Independence in 1960, Enugu retained its splendour and pride of place as the capital of the old Eastern Region. It became the pride and centre of attraction of every Igbo man. It has, indeed, played and will continue to play consequential roles in the history of Nigeria’s development.

    In order to give the city the status it deserved, make it livable and hospital for the inhabitants of the region, and turn it into an industrial zone for jobs and wealth creation, the region’s founding fathers such as Chief Nnamdi Azikiwe, Michael Okpara, to mention a few, decided to sacrifice all they had to lay the foundation that would make Enugu not just a technologically driven industrial estate but also to compete favourably with countries like the United States, Japan, Singapore and Great Britain.

    The pioneers of modern Nigeria and Eastern Region did not betray their dreams for the region and, indeed, the country. The economy of the region was diversified. Inventions were made. Technology was brought to bear. Creativity was greatly explored and exploits were made in science and arts. The eastern region, within a transient interval, clinched the status of economically self-sustaining region. Just as the region was rapidly making progress towards economic and technological revolution, the military struck. It was a sad experience that interrupted the progressive pace of that moment. But the dreams did not die. The foundation was already laid.

    Without further ado, the long military incursion into the Nigerian political system and its destructive effect on the dreams of our founding fathers became more pronounced as mismanagement, corruption, incompetence, vapid and erratic economic and political policies were churned out of their whims and caprices. These rudderless steps became entrenched in the system, ruining the architectural plans laid by the founding fathers. Developments were asphyxiated. Incompetence was glorified above merit. Life returned to the Hobbesian state of nature. Even after the military was forced to transmit power and transition to democracy, the junta vestiges still protruded from every bend of the political system.

    Subsequent democratic leaders, with this mindset, found themselves in power. They could only imagine power and development from military perspectives. Then came Governor Peter Mbah as Enugu State governor in 2023. This was not without elements of bad and corrupt governance fighting back. Many had expected him to tag along the same line of militaristic development thought. The prediction was wrong. The governor dissented and became a nonconformist. Thanks to his campaign messages that sounded cacophonous to profiteers of bad governance. Mbah came with novel ideas that many described as recondite. The operating plugs were disruptive innovation, artificial intelligence, smart and experiential education, and telemedicine, among other innovations.

    While taking his oath of office at the Micheal Okpara Square on May 29, 2023, the newly elected governor reiterated his determination to alter the hitherto undying status quo. It was a radical departure from militarised democracy to civil democracy well-defined in action. According to him, his administration would herald “business unusual” governance.

    With his resonating voice cascading from the podium, the “Tomorrow Is Here” innovator reminded the electorate how he rode on the strength of their shoulders to power. He then marshalled his disruptive innovation albeit people-oriented agenda before the cheering crowds, and chief among them was the return of the architectural designs of the state’s founding fathers to the people of the state. This time, it would come in the form of integrated governance triggered by innovation. He assured that the dreams of the founding fathers were only reposing in abeyance and would be robustly championed. He announced a new dawn. A message of hope. A new journey. However, with Nigeria clutching under economic stress, the journey was likened to T.S Eliot’s Journey of the Magi.

    In order to actualise these goals, the Governor embarked on his socio-political sojourn meant to ensure the reign of peace among the stakeholders and the people of Enugu state in general. It’s a truism that a society without peace will achieve nothing, and where chaos is prevalent, the thrust of leadership becomes herculean. Understanding this simple logic, the administration defied party divides and reached out to those with divergent ideologies. He brought them together in a bid to assuage flaying grievances and heal their wounds. It was an innovative ecumenism in motion which has placed it on the rung of the ladder of the most peaceful state in Nigeria. This gesture laid the foundation for other sectors to thrive.

    A careful look into our founding fathers’ dreams would reveal the pivotal roles played by infrastructure in driving investment, catalysing employment and empowering the teeming youth of the state. As frequently drummed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, infrastructure is a fertile ground for the holistic transformation of any society with lofty dreams. This approach must be backed by deliberate policies that engender development. As a catalyst for other development, the Governor, despite paucity of resources to the state, embarked on massive infrastructural rebirth across the state.

    While the reconstruction of old roads and the construction of new ones were ongoing, the health sector was wearing a new look, with rural transformation taking the lead in the scheme of projects. The desire to recreate rural areas and make them more of semi-urban areas held sway in the administration. One of the intriguing poses of the Mbah led administration is its determination to connect all the local areas in the state and make it look like a smart city. One could only imagine the economic prospects this has been yielding for the people.

    For record purposes, Mbah’s administration, in keeping with these dreams, has constructed and commissioned over 80 roads spread across the state. The Governor not tired of his colossal achievements in the state’s roads, further extended his development tentacles to federal roads within the state. Already hundreds of roads have been awarded in less than two years in office. This was possible because the Governor disrupted the space and shattered the barrier of underdevelopment.

    Complementing the above is the governor’s resolve to revisit the health sector and raise its status to those in developed climes. Indeed, health, it’s said, is wealth. As a way to ensure that the people of Enugu State are given the best health facilities in town, the Governor embarked on assessment tours to hospitals and clinics in the state. Thereafter, he commenced massive rehabilitation of existing hospitals. In addition, 260 Type-2 Primary Health Centres are under construction, with some ready for commissioning. He did not stop there, he acquired state-of-the-art medical equipment for the running of these hospitals. For example, the once-moribund Enugu State Dental Hospital and the Government House Clinic have all received emergency attention. Today, they are competing in the category of best hospitals in the country.

    There is an unprecedented transformation ongoing in the Enugu State University of Science and Technology College of Medicine, Parklane, Enugu; with a new ultra-modern diagnostic centre that would be fully equipped to serve the southeast region. The Governor’s agenda is to make Enugu the new hub of medical tourism. The attraction of over $600 million African Medical City, and the award of a modern 300-bed hospital with global facilities will create a new healthcare vista in the state.

    All these aggressive engagements and execution of projects come with some implications. They create massive jobs for the teeming youth. Construction of roads means the engagement of engineers at the sites. Building more hospitals implies the employment of more medical doctors and other health workers. As a way of stamping out unemployment in the state, the administration of Mbah has opened the state to considerable investment. In its Economic Roundtable Summit held months ago, the state successfully wooed investors within and outside Nigeria. It turned out a prized outing as skilled and unskilled labours have been engaged. This has increased the state’s per capita income. It would be recalled that the administration has been intentional in its commitment to transcendentally leapfrog the state gross domestic product from $4.4 billion to $30 billion. This requires resilience in policy and investment.

    Not done yet, Mbah personally championed more projects that will engage the youth in direct employment. For example, the schools in the state have recruited more than 10 thousand workers since the administration assumed office; engaging Smart teachers for the 260 smart schools in the state taking up a large chunk of that. Incentives are created and soft loans are granted to those going into agriculture, including smallholder farmers. In recent times, the Coal City rice, Nsukka pepper, Enugu Cattle Ranching, and other agribusiness projects have become the new normal. They didn’t happen by accident. The Governor has always identified agriculture as the crude oil of the state. The space is shifting to agro-industrialisation. This has a sweeping implication on the economic status of the state, as purchasing power will rise while poverty will be eradicated.

    Of importance is the role played by education in the development of every society. It’s a catalyst for intellectual revolution and socio-economic emancipation. This was the motivation behind the siting of the first University of Nigeria in Enugu State by our founding fathers. Appreciating these uncommon roles played by education, Governor Mbah has vigorously pushed for change in the face of education in terms of infrastructure, facilities, and the qualities of teachers employed so far. It’s now transitioned from traditional teaching methods to what’s globally known as smart and experiential learning model. The first in Sub-Sharan African.

    There is now a systematisation of modern education in the state. Besides, basic education is free and a must for our children with the 260 smart schools across the electoral wards, some of which are fully equipped and operational. Tertiary institutions have assumed a different level with many of them now into innovation. Today, one could proudly enthuse that the crop of university and polytechnic graduates the state produces are becoming self-reliant and self-engaged. This has reduced the pressure of security impasse in the state.

    It was this engagement that saw Enugu State thrive in peace as an idle hand, is said to be the devil’s workshop. When Enugu is adjudged the most investor-friendly state, what this implies is an enduring tranquility and peace reigning in the environs. This coupled with the measure put in place in terms of hard security. The engagement of Neighbourhood Watch and Community Policing to complement the work of conventional security outfits has redefined the state security architecture. More importantly, are the modern security systems that have sharply revolutionised the state security operation. It’s now a technology-driven system of security surveillance. There is now a synergy playing progressively among all the sectors in the state.

    While not making tourism the least, it is imperative to note that the Governor has turned Enugu into a centre of attraction through his aesthetic roadmap for the state. An excursion around the city would readily make a visitor feel at home with the alluring views of the state. Its adornment. Its cleanliness. Its serene environment. Its fascinating landscape. Tourism is indeed, another source of revenue for the state government.

    These summed together, one could see the social contract Governor Mbah had with the people blending with the goals and dreams of the founding fathers of the state. Wherever the founding fathers are today, their spirits would, no doubt, be savourily satisfied with the unprecedented giant strides of the Governor over the past one year.

    The Governor has undeniably set the wheel of achieving an enviable state in motion. It is only a matter of time before all the goals of the founding fathers would be achieved and what would be left would be how to consolidate on them.

  • The Spectre of Miscommunication: Mythology, Religion, and Creative Collision

    By Samuel Ameh

    Miscommunication is like a pebble that often falls into the pool of human interaction, particularly in the realm of creativity. While some miscommunications can be easily resolved, others linger for days, months, years, decades, and possibly centuries. Recently, the opening ceremony of the Paris Olympics brought forth a typical example of miscommunication.

    Many who hold a strong Christian perspective argue that the ceremony is a derogation of Jesus’ Last Supper and a spectre aimed at haunting Christianity through a display of classic satanic showmanship and symbolism. Another group, more moralistic than religious, adjudges the entire performance as a propagation of the sickening woke culture, where impunity, immorality, and obscenity are disguised as the ideal lifestyle and the best way of exercising human liberty and freedom.
    Amidst all this, another group of individuals, who possess an esoteric knowledge of art, philosophy, and Greek mythology, saw something largely different.

    As a neophyte in this latter group, I have spent the past three years dedicated to reading and researching art, history, and Greek mythology. It was from this arcane knowledge that I realised that a miscommunication had indeed taken place between the intentions of the organisers and the general public.
    Watching the event, I was astonished to see a large blue figure on the television screen, whose appearance immediately drew my mind to Greek mythology. I saw a bright blue Dionysus singing in French somewhere along the River Seine. That made me pause.
    I must admit that despite the advancements in literacy and education, for many people, the world is only perceived and understood through the lens of today, without an awareness of ages gone by, nor the lives and cultures buried in history and the pages of books.

    Today, most people view the world from the perspective of dominant religions. However, the blue figure with a bulging belly on stage is none other than Dionysus from an ancient religion—the Greek god of theatre, music, creativity, madness, irrationality, as well as of fruits, vegetation, nature, wine, and ecstasy.

    Dionysus, also known as Bacchus, was the unruly son of Zeus and Semele. In Greek mythology, he symbolised chaos, revelry, emotion, irrationality, drunkenness, intuition, and, quite often, inexplicable melancholy. He has always been a beloved figure for many artists across the world.
    However, he was not alone. There was another god—Apollo, who represented harmony, analysis, reason, common sense, balance, and progress. Apollo embodied solid structures of order, logic, and light.

    These two mythical figures are closely related to the Chinese concept of Yin and Yang—chaos and order—which many philosophers believe the world is divided into. Nietzsche, the 19th-century German philosopher and cultural critic, who remains one of the most influential (and also controversial) thinkers of the modern era, explored this contrast. One of the most extraordinary aspects of his work was his fascination with the comparison between Dionysus and Apollo, which he developed in his most accessible book, The Birth of Tragedy.

    Nietzsche believed we should pay close attention to the contrast between these two remarkable characters in the Greek pantheon: Apollo versus Dionysus. Different forms of art (or at times, sports) were related to one or the other. Even their physical appearances were starkly different. Dionysus was often depicted with unruly hair and an unkempt beard, while Apollo was clean-shaven, beardless, always handsome, and tidy.

    Archery, for instance, was very Apollonian, as was sculpture. But music was Dionysian. Music spoke directly to emotions. Depending on which form of creativity one engaged in, and how one chose to express that creativity, the path could be either Dionysian or Apollonian.
    As time passed, Apollo became more dominant and visible, while Dionysus was relegated to the background.
    The depiction in the Paris opening ceremony incited religious conflict. However, the creators’ intention was merely to exercise their creative muscles.

    To avoid such controversies, creatives, in their relentless pursuit of aesthetics, must never forget the possibility for miscommunication. As Hegel put it, there is always a need to distinguish between ideals or aspirations (what “ought to be”) and the actual state of affairs (reality). There are inevitable consequences for those who fail to make this distinction—just as the organisers of the Paris Olympics opening ceremony have experienced.

  • Deconstructing Nigeria

    Deconstructing Nigeria

    Oseloka H. Obaze

    Bad leadership and its consequence, bad governance, are dismembering Nigeria. Both are repetends in current Nigerian political discourse. Both are also indicative that rather than focus progressively on nation building, Nigerians are distressing over the unraveling of their country.

    The New York Times on its 13th June, 2024 front page declaimed that “A resourceful nation buckles” and went on to assert that “worst economic crisis in a generation torments Nigeria, as prices soar.” National deconstruction; the antithesis of nation building, is what is happening to Nigeria. As actor Robert DeNiro once surmised, “Evil thrives in the shadow of dismissive mockery.” Nigeria now is a bastion for evil deeds; and a mockery and ghoulish shadow of itself.  The nation has attained or acquired numerous dubious labels and negative qualifying governance indices.

    Some may consider attributing the deconstruction appellation to Nigeria light, when juxtaposed with her progressive national deterioration and diminution of influence globally.   But the deconstruction narrative is apt as it is more insidious.  It relates more to faith and fate. What does deconstruction mean, and how does that apply, affect or relate to present day Nigeria?   Deconstruction is “the act of breaking something down into its separate parts in order to understand its meaning, especially when this is different from how it was previously understood.”

    Contextually, the deconstruction of Nigeria means that we have finally arrived at the critical truth juncture, where having lost faith, Nigeria now means different things to a majority of Nigerians, and her different ethnicities. This affirms that all along, the presumed commonality of shared belief in what Nigeria meant to Nigerian citizens was an expedient ruse.  Nigeria was, is, but her future is indefinite. That fate was contrived by Nigerians; hence some surmise that “the contraption called Nigeria has never been one.” Paradoxically, those advocating the rethink of Nigeria are neither nation-building heretics nor anti-establishment.  At the risk of accusations of sedition or treason, they only advocate dismantling Nigeria as a way of rebuilding it. But when government criminalizes civil protests, something is awry.

    Here’s the stark reality. Nigeria no longer represents what many of her citizens previously understood it to be; a nation, federation and commonwealth, and a country statutorily obligated to afford equal rights and protection to her citizens. These were the qualifiers of yesteryears. Today, with ethnicity, religion, power and resource sharing, poverty, cancel culture, state capture and bigotry all weaponized, there hardly exist any shared common causes. Ethnic hairline cracks have turned into chasms. The national disconnect is so expansive that  Nigerians are no longer bashful in asserting that Nigeria no longer serves common cause. The notion or concept of “united we stand” seems passé.  Far gone is the nation, wherein NPN, a former ruling national party had as its fulsome mantra: ‘one nation, one destiny’.  Right now, Nigeria rarely evokes any positive déjà vu as much as it elicits resignation, consternation and trepidation.

    As incessant disfranchisement elicits calls of segregation, and the concept of a heterogeneous and monolithic North is increasingly disavowed, the fervent belief in an indissoluble Nigeria is repetitively eroded.  The rise of non-state actors and the attendant visceral violence meted out by armed bandits to various Christian and indigenous populations in North suggest a new and heightened level of intolerance and polarization.  Those in power, who ought to assertively tackle such challenges have demurred.

    With multi-dimensional poverty raging, no part of Nigeria is totally secure; no village, town, city, state or geopolitical zone. Nationwide, pockets of communities are now ungoverned spaces subjugated by bandits.  Most of those in power, who shelter behind the cocoon of state security apparatus, can hardly return to their respective homesteads. Such broad sense of debilitating insecurity is common, even if hardly acknowledged publicly. Nigerians can also attest to the dearth of patriotism. So, what wand is binding Nigeria and still keeping it whole?  Simply, it is the belief that bad governance can’t be perpetual.

    Meanwhile, the broad understanding persist that those national elite who covet leadership roles have failed woefully at fulfilling three basic leadership requirements:  ‘lead, follow or get the hell out of the way’. Rather, in a crablike fashion, they give primacy to the revolving door leadership syndrome.  This default to business-as-usual and resignation combine to yield a fatalistic leadership disposition and hubris. Most Nigerians now accept that such disposition must change. But who gets to bell the cat?

    Also acknowledged, is that the prevalent leadership hubris erodes any form of governance bipartisanship, as well as commitment to national interest and show of self-sacrifice.  Clearly, Nigerian leaders seem unwilling to grasp that the singular, collective role expected and mandated to them as policy, economic, security and legislative managers, boils down to one critical task: lead. This is more so of those who hold the exulted elected or appointive positions as Heads of the Three Arms of Government in the Three Tiers.

    Quite often, history instructs leadership decision-making. Drawing from the history of democracy: President Ronald Reagan once said, “The greatest leader is not necessarily the one who does the greatest things. He is the one who gets the people to do the greatest things.” And before him, President John F. Kennedy averred that “the only valid test of leadership is the ability to lead and lead vigorously.” It’s disconcerting that the national elite by refusing to learn from history continue to ride the Nigerian ship roughshod. Their roguish groupthink and ‘we versus the masses’ mindset bedevil Nigeria the most.

    Unsurprisingly, Nigeria is now synonymous with the historically tragic Titanic. Dubbed too big to sink, it took on water listlessly until it sank. Hardly did those onboard seem aware of the imminent catastrophe. Ditto our nation and our current leaders. As Prof. Okey Ikechukwu rightly observed, “Elite myopia, leadership illiteracy and abysmal ignorance of both 21st Century leadership and cultural anthropology of the Nigerian state are working together here.”  Nigeria has functional federal, state and local governments.  Yet the impact of non-state actors has never been quite as severe as it is now. Banditry and kidnapping are now booming businesses, thus leading some to suggest complicity or negligence of government agents or both.  In one year,  July 2023 to June 2024, kidnappers in Nigeria reportedly demanded up to N10.99 billion.  Were security and its corollary, the responsibilities to protect the twin indices for assessing national stability, then Nigeria is a failed nation.

    Despite stark bad governance, governmental affairs are still run in the business-as-usual mode. As Nigeria’s rot and rut has metastasized, her crisis off-ramp remains uncharted. It can’t be uncharitable, therefore, to categorize as certifiable, those in power, who are fixated on 2027.  These people seem to take a dangerous delight in the subjugation of hungry Nigerians into servility,  servitude and penury. It is also the height of misgovernance, precepts and hypocrisy that those who not long ago were themselves immersed in national protests, would today seek to charge protesting hungry Nigerians with treason.

    Equally culpable, are those who hitherto have been in power at various times, yet are unwilling to make the necessary self-sacrifice required to build a new coalition or the bipartisan New Tribe required to make Nigeria whole and truly a nation. Perhaps, it is at them that President Olusegun Obasanjo directed his recent barb, about our vulnerabilities due to lack of national institutional memory.

    The debate on restructuring, which has been swirling for decades, remains inconclusive. Secret and open battles over the future of a new Nigeria, and who will shape it, persist. Accordingly, Nigeria may yet be a dismal nation transformed.  The true beauty of democracy is the guarantee of periodic and genuine elections. Unless something cataclysmic happens, Nigerians must gird up for the 2027 general elections. It will, of course, not be business as usual. But the needed electoral reforms and sustainable transformation won’t happen without a critical rethink of those entrusted to reshape and lead Nigeria.

    Nigeria arrived at the present juncture due to lack of consequences for bad governance, profligacy and official malfeasance. That notwithstanding, the present government has run amuck in fiscal profligacy. Moving Nigeria forward requires a New Tribe. That a new tribe is not an additional ethnic grouping that will rank with or supersede the -Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo- WAZOBIA collective; but an adjunct coalition of detribalized Nigerians committed to true nationhood.  They will be the successor regime to the present ‘tribe’ of corrupt national elite, who live off the confusion that is today’s Nigeria. For the New Tribe, ethnicity and religion will be the least of qualifying variables; and it must consist of a Team of Rivals.

    As a nation, we had long abandoned measurable and benchmarked governance principles. That too will have to change. What is not measured or benchmarked does not get done. Thus, the New Tribe must prioritize a people-first approach that underscores democratic governance, as well as offer new and measurable governance roadmap.  The New Tribe must also tackle Nigeria’s assorted unmet basic needs and challenges, which are metamorphosing fast into an inter-generational conflict.

    The present leadership, which should be considered supernumerary and transitional to a New Nigeria, may do well to glean from conventional wisdom. Social scientists and those long immersed in variegated partisan politics, espouse a standing doctrine: “An iron principle of politics is that you must do swiftly what you will eventually be forced to do.”  The present leadership hasn’t done much; and the honeymoon with Nigerians ended a long time ago. Now it’s time for reality check as reality begins to bite deep.

    ——
    Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

  • The Beloved-Dan Anike That I Know

    The Beloved-Dan Anike That I Know

    By Samson Ugwu

    Every man is an embodiment of thought-patern, mindset, insight and imagination which reflect in his words and actions. The mindset of a man is one of the factors that determines his altitude and achievements.

    Similarly the mindset of a political leader also determines the impact he will make in his administration. It is against this backdrop that I was inspired to inform electorates about the leadership mindset and track records of the PDP Chairmanship Candidate of Enugu East LGA, Hon. Pst. Beloved Dan Anike in order for the masses to make wise decision on election day, come 21st September 2024.

    The great leadership icon was born on 16th January 1974 to the family of Elder Thomas Anike Ikpa of Umuchiene family, Umuchigbo, Iji Nike, Enugu.

    In his quest to broaden his intellectual horizon and as an education enthusiast, Beloved Dan Anike passed through several institutions of learning such as Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Lagos Business School and Lunds University, Sweden.
    He is a holder of two Engineering degrees, a master’s degree in project management and other professional certifications.

    He has demonstrated visionary leadership as the former President Student Union Government UNIZIK, Chairman Umuchigbo Community, Enugu State Commissioner of Transport and member Enugu State Universal Basic Education.

    My first physical encounter with his visionary leadership was on 17th September 2020.
    It was a day I set my foot inside Umuchigbo Community High School to capture the official commissioning of an ICT centre sponsored by former member House of Representatives, Hon. Prince Cornelius Nnaji.

    The school has many block of classrooms, high population of students, standard football field and enough space for future development.

    In the course of our discussion, I was briefed by indigene of the community on how Beloved Dan Anike secured the large expanse of lands against all odds and conquered many challenges to establish the school under his watch as the community leader.
    Beloved Dan succeeded in translating his vision of establishing a citadel of learning that will make generational positive impact, into a reality.

    The story behind the establishment of Umuchigbo Community High School, is a proof that Beloved Dan Anike is a leader that believes in the words of Nelson Mandela that education is the most powerful weapon we can use to change the world.

    Under his watch as the Chairman Umuchigbo Board of Trustees, he also launched a Youth Empowerment Trust Fund on 1st October 2007, under the Chairmanship of Dr. Charles Emehelu and charged with the responsibility to support education at all levels, eliminate toutism and build great people for greater future.

    The Trust Fund made positive impact through disbursement of annual bursary award and provision of financial grants to entrepreneurs. The outcome was massive enrollment of many youths of the community into higher institutions.

    In a related development, on 9th October 2008, he organized Umuchigbo Youth Empowerment Program with the theme Ositadimma at Nike Lake Resort, Enugu. He disbursed busary awards and enlightened the youths on the importance of education and self development.

    The Beloved Dan Anike that I know is also a philanthropist and passionate about touching the lives of people in the society. I witnessed the act of his humanitarian gestures during the 10th anniversary of Ositadimma Foundation held on 26th July, 2018 at Enugu East Local Government Headquarters. The event was a celebration of ten years of consistent education bursary award and charity outreach to widows, physically challenged people and many indigent people.
    The Foundation is a platform he is using to give back to the society.

    It is worthy to note that Ositadimma Foundation has empowered many youths and produced many graduates.

    The Beloved Dan I know is resilient. He does not allow adversity or challenges to shape his future. He sees failure as temporal defeat. He believes that every adversity, every failure, carries with it the seed of an equal or greater benefit. He has strong faith in the biblical admonition of Habakuk 2:3-4 which says; “for the vision is yet for an appointed time, but at the end it will speak, and it will not lie. Though it tarries, wait for it, because it will surely come, it will not tarry.”

    He demonstrated his resilient spirit within his 25 years of seeking for elective position. He had contested for House of Assembly, Local Government Chairman, House of Representatives, and Governorship position. Though all his efforts proved abortive but he did not give up. He did not allow disappointment or failure to win election deter him from aspiring to serve humanity. He remained focused and determined to actualize his goals.

    The Beloved Dan that I know made some statements during his consultation tour for governorship seat that reinforced my conviction in his visionary leadership capacity. While addressing Enugu State PDP Executive Officers, he said; “We anchored our campaign policy trust on consolidation of the past gains and bridging the gaps for the future to establish a nexus for our generation and cast our footprints for the overall development of our dear people.”

    He also noted that he had enunciated a 4-point agenda; social services, affordable housing, social amenities and social security.

    Moreover, while delivering his acceptance speech on 14th August 2024 after emerging as the PDP Chairmanship Candidate, he affairmed that it is good to build great works, but it is far better to build great people because great people will in turn build greater works.

    I am optimistic that he will translate the aforementioned statements into reality if voted into office as Council Chairman Enugu East LGA.

    Beloved Dan that I know will consolidate the good governance of Hon. Livinus Nze Anike, immediate past Executive Chairman of Enugu East LGA. He will widen the arc of dividends of democracy in the council area.

    The political atmosphere in Enugu East LGA is already charged with the mantra of “dawn of a new era” and “imagine the possibilities” in line with the vision of Beloved Dan. I know he will not disappoint the electorates because he has a proven track record of integrity, competence, vision, capacity, selfless service, uncommon determination, tenacity and administrative prowess.

    In light of the foregoing, I want to call on the people of Enugu East LGA to give him maximum support because he will make Enugu East great through his transformation agenda in alignment with Gov. Peter Mbah’s innovative leadership.

    21st September, local government election day will indeed mark a new beginning in Enugu East LGA. Therefore let us vote wisely by voting for PDP.

    #SamUgwu
    #ICT