Category: Opinion

  • How Many More Nigerians Must Die Before We End the Reckless Use of Guns?

    How Many More Nigerians Must Die Before We End the Reckless Use of Guns?

    The killings of Igbo Jah and Enugu socialite Stone should awaken our conscience and strengthen the call for safer policing, responsible gun handling and an end to the unnecessary use of live ammunition against civilians.

    By Sebastine Okafor, Ph.D

    There is a question every Nigerian must begin to ask: how many more innocent people must die before we agree that live ammunition should never be treated as an ordinary tool for controlling civilian crises, breaking up arguments or attending social events?

    How many mothers must lose their sons? How many fathers must bury children they struggled to raise? How many families must spend their savings looking for justice for loved ones who left home to celebrate a birthday, attend a burial, enjoy music or participate in a peaceful gathering, only to return in a coffin?

    The recent killing of Enugu socialite Izuchukwu Nnaji, popularly known as Stone, has brought this painful question back to the centre of public discussion. On October 21, 2026, Stone reportedly celebrated his birthday with friends and later lodged at The Bull Hotel in Enugu. According to reports, operatives of the Anti-Cult Tactical Squad arrested him in the early hours of the following day. His body was subsequently discovered at the mortuary of the Enugu State University Teaching Hospital, Parklane.

    His family and associates alleged that he was unlawfully killed. The Enugu State Police Command subsequently confirmed that its operatives had shot him during an operation and ordered an investigation into the circumstances surrounding his death. The police must be allowed to establish the facts, and anyone found culpable must face the law. However, the incident has once again raised serious questions about the use of firearms by security personnel during operations involving civilians.

    Stone’s death is particularly painful because it comes about two years after the killing of popular Ogene musician Okezie Chikezie Mba, popularly known as Igbo Jah. On October 25, 2024, Igbo Jah was fatally shot by a police inspector at the Anti-Cultism Tactical Squad headquarters in Enugu after reportedly paying a friendly visit. The police identified the officer as Inspector Ozonwanji Joseph, who was arrested and subsequently dismissed and arraigned over the killing.

    Igbo Jah was a musician whose work connected him with people through the rich cultural expression of the Igbo people. He was not merely a name in a newspaper. He was somebody’s son, a friend, a colleague and a person with plans for the future. His death left a painful gap in the lives of those who loved him and among admirers of his music.

    Now, the reported circumstances surrounding Stone’s death have brought back the same fear and anger. People are asking whether a visit, an arrest or a security operation should end with a young man’s body in a mortuary.

    These cases are not identical, and it would be wrong to declare every shooting an accidental discharge or to prejudge the investigation into Stone’s death. But they raise a common and urgent question: are our security agencies doing enough to ensure that the use of firearms does not become an avoidable threat to the people they are paid to protect?

    Nigeria needs to have a serious national conversation about when and how security personnel should carry and use firearms around civilians.

    There are situations in which armed officers must defend themselves or members of the public against an immediate threat to life. Nobody expects a police officer to stand helplessly before an armed attacker. Security personnel have a duty to protect themselves and the public.

    However, the existence of danger in some situations does not justify treating every argument, crowd, disturbance or act of resistance as a reason to pull a trigger.

    The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials require officers to use non-violent means wherever possible and to exercise restraint when force becomes necessary. They also require the protection of human life and the minimisation of injury. The UN guidance on policing assemblies makes it clear that firearms must not be used simply to disperse a gathering.

    This is an important distinction. A person who refuses an instruction, a crowd protesting a grievance, two guests arguing at a party and an armed criminal threatening to kill people are not the same. Each situation requires a response based on the actual threat.

    Where there is no immediate threat of death or serious injury, shooting a civilian cannot be justified merely because an officer is angry, impatient or struggling to control a situation.

    We must therefore demand clear operational rules that make the protection of human life the starting point of every police action.

    To start this, one practical step is to equip and train properly selected officers to manage public disturbances with appropriate less-lethal equipment.

    Rubber or plastic impact projectiles are often discussed as alternatives to live ammunition. Other options include shields, protective equipment, trained arrest teams, communication officers, barriers, verbal negotiation and other approved less-lethal tools appropriate to the situation.

    However, Nigerians must understand that rubber bullets are not harmless. They can cause blindness, permanent disability, serious internal injuries and death, particularly when fired at close range or at vulnerable parts of the body. The fact that a projectile is described as less-lethal does not mean that it can be used carelessly.

    The United Nations’ 2020 guidance on less-lethal weapons warns against indiscriminate use and sets strict conditions for their use during assemblies. Rubber-coated bullets should not be treated as a licence to shoot at crowds or punish people who disobey instructions.

    Our demand should therefore go beyond simply replacing one type of bullet with another. It should be for a system that gives officers more options to control dangerous situations without unnecessarily taking lives.

    Where a peaceful crowd needs to be managed, trained personnel should prioritise communication, separation of conflicting groups, safe evacuation and targeted lawful arrests. Where an individual poses a serious threat, officers should use the minimum force necessary to address that threat. Live ammunition should be reserved for circumstances in which its use is strictly necessary to protect life against an imminent threat of death or serious injury, subject to applicable law.

    The objective is not to weaken the police. It is to make policing safer, more professional and more effective.

    Another practical solution is the establishment or strengthening of a properly trained public-order and civilian-crisis response unit in every state.

    Such a unit should not simply be another armed squad carrying rifles. It should be made up of officers specially trained in negotiation, crowd management, conflict de-escalation, lawful arrests, first aid, evidence gathering and the use of approved less-lethal equipment.

    The unit should have clear rules on when firearms may be carried, when they may be deployed and who may authorise their use. Its members should be trained to identify the difference between a peaceful gathering, a heated disagreement, a violent disturbance and an immediate threat to life.

    For example, when two groups begin fighting at a burial ceremony, the first response should be to separate them, protect bystanders and arrest those committing offences where lawful and safe. An argument over music at a birthday party should not automatically become a gun-related emergency. A protest should not be treated as a battlefield simply because the crowd is angry.

    The United Kingdom offers a useful institutional example. Its policing system uses specially trained public-order officers, public-order commanders, police liaison teams and evidence gatherers. These officers have defined roles in planning operations, communicating with crowds, assessing threats and documenting police actions. The UK’s framework also treats firearms as a last resort, to be considered where there is a serious threat to public or responder safety.

    Nigeria can adapt relevant elements of this model to its own security realities. It does not need to copy another country in every detail. What matters is that officers attending civilian disturbances receive the right training, equipment, supervision and clear operational instructions.

    The Federal Government, state governments and police authorities should work together to develop a national framework for such units, with measurable standards and independent oversight.

    However, one question that keeps on coming up to many reasonable Nigerians is; why should a police officer attend a social event with a loaded firearm and no clear safety plan? This is why We must also examine the presence of armed security personnel at social events.

    In Nigeria, it is common to see uniformed officers, private security personnel and vigilantes at burials, weddings, birthday parties, traditional ceremonies and political gatherings. Their presence may be necessary where credible threats exist. But the presence of a firearm must come with responsibility.

    A firearm is not a decoration. It is not an accessory to a uniform. It is not a symbol of importance to be displayed at a party. It is a deadly instrument that requires discipline, secure handling and constant attention.

    Organisers who request armed protection should know who is in charge, what duties the officers have and what safety rules apply. Security personnel should not be allowed to turn a celebration into an opportunity for intimidation or careless gun handling.

    Where an event requires armed protection, the deployment should be properly authorised, supervised and risk-assessed. Officers should not discharge weapons into the air to entertain guests, announce their presence or settle disagreements. Celebratory gunfire can kill people far away from the person who pulls the trigger.

    Every event organiser must understand that hiring security personnel does not remove the responsibility to protect guests from foreseeable dangers.

    Again, Nigerians must stop giving alcohol and narcotics to gun-wielding men. This is another side of this problem that Nigerians do not discuss enough which is the role of the public in encouraging dangerous behaviour by armed men.

    At some social gatherings, guests offer drinks to policemen, soldiers, vigilantes and other armed security personnel as a sign of respect or appreciation. Some officers accept the drinks while still carrying their weapons and performing security duties. In other cases, people may encourage them to drink more, dance, fire shots into the air or demonstrate their power.

    A person carrying a firearm should not be encouraged to drink alcohol while on duty. Alcohol can impair judgment, coordination and the ability to assess danger. A person who becomes intoxicated may react carelessly to an argument, mistake an ordinary movement for a threat or handle a weapon without the discipline required.

    The danger becomes even greater when alcohol is combined with illicit drugs or other intoxicating substances. Any security operative who is impaired while carrying a firearm poses a risk to himself, his colleagues and the public.

    Nigerians must stop treating the provision of alcohol to armed personnel as a harmless gesture. Respect does not mean encouraging an officer to compromise his judgment. Appreciation does not mean placing other people’s lives at risk.

    If a host wants to appreciate the security team protecting a wedding or burial, the appropriate thing is to provide food, water, soft drinks and other lawful refreshments. Alcohol should not be served to personnel while they are on active duty, and security commanders should enforce a clear prohibition on drinking or using intoxicating substances while armed and working.

    The same principle should apply to vigilante groups and private security personnel. They may not always be regular police officers, but a gun can kill regardless of the uniform worn by the person holding it.

    Event organisers should also refuse requests to provide illicit drugs or other intoxicating substances to armed personnel. Anyone who knowingly encourages a security operative to become intoxicated while carrying a weapon contributes to a dangerous situation.

    We must stop praising armed men for showing off their weapons at social events. We must stop encouraging celebratory gunfire. We must stop confusing recklessness with courage. Meanwhile, a responsible security operative should be respected for protecting lives, not for frightening people with a gun.

    Moving further, another reason these deaths continue to provoke public anger is the fear that investigations may not produce justice. When a civilian is shot by a security operative, the public deserves a prompt, transparent and credible investigation. The victim’s family should not have to organise protests, plead with officials or use social media campaigns before receiving basic information about what happened.

    Every shooting should be documented. The firearm involved should be secured for forensic examination. Witnesses should be interviewed, relevant CCTV footage preserved and available ballistic evidence examined. Where applicable, the officer’s body-camera footage, duty records and operational orders should be reviewed.

    The investigating authority must establish whether the shooting was lawful, whether the officer followed operational procedures and whether negligence, recklessness or deliberate wrongdoing occurred.

    Where the evidence establishes a criminal offence, the officer should face prosecution in accordance with the law. Where disciplinary breaches are established, appropriate sanctions should follow. Where the shooting was lawful and necessary, the evidence should also make that clear.

    Accountability must not depend on whether the victim is a celebrity, a poor trader, a student, a political supporter or an ordinary citizen whose name may never appear in the news.

    The lives of Igbo Jah and Stone matter. So do the lives of every unnamed Nigerian who has died or suffered injury after being struck by a bullet fired by a security operative. Justice for one person should help prevent the death of another.

    Having taking into accounts the dangers of these acts and incidents, there are also things that Nigerians and governments should do. For us to move forward, it requires action from security agencies, government, event organisers and members of the public.

    First, the Inspector-General of Police and the leadership of other security agencies should review firearm policies for operations involving civilians. Officers should receive clear instructions that firearms must not be used to disperse peaceful gatherings or settle ordinary disputes.

    Second, state governments and security authorities should establish or strengthen specialised public-order and civilian-crisis units, with officers trained in negotiation, de-escalation, first aid, lawful arrest and the safe use of less-lethal equipment.

    Third, security agencies should introduce enforceable rules prohibiting alcohol and intoxicating substances for personnel while on armed duty. Event organisers should be informed of these rules and should not provide alcohol or drugs to officers assigned to protect their events.

    Fourth, governments should provide appropriate equipment and continuous training. It is not enough to tell officers to exercise restraint while leaving them without suitable protective gear, communication equipment, medical support or effective alternatives to firearms.

    Fifth, every security agency should maintain a public record of firearm-related incidents, including deaths, injuries, investigations and disciplinary outcomes, while respecting lawful privacy requirements. Regular reporting would help government and the public identify patterns and assess whether reforms are working.

    Sixth, civil society organisations, the media, traditional rulers, religious leaders, entertainers and youth organisations should work together to educate Nigerians about responsible firearm handling and the dangers of celebratory gunfire.

    Finally, citizens should report reckless firearm use and demand investigations through lawful channels. Public anger is understandable when someone dies, but protests and advocacy should be directed towards truth, justice and reform rather than violence against other people.

    The goal is not to make security personnel enemies of the public. It is to create a relationship in which citizens can trust that the people carrying guns to protect them will exercise the highest level of discipline and restraint.

    We must always know that a life lost to a bullet cannot be restored. Imagine a mother preparing food for her son, expecting him to return from a birthday celebration. Imagine the phone call that never comes, followed by the journey to a hospital or mortuary. Imagine a father looking at photographs and wondering why a child who left home alive could not return alive. This is the human cost of careless firearm use. Behind every name is a family. Behind every death is a future that has been interrupted. Behind every unanswered question is a family that may spend years searching for justice.

    Igbo Jah’s death should not become just another old news story. Stone’s death must not be reduced to a few days of protest and public debate. Their cases should strengthen the demand for safer policing, credible investigations and a system that places human life above unnecessary displays of force.

    We must also be honest with ourselves. Security agencies have responsibilities, but citizens have responsibilities too. We cannot continue giving alcohol to armed men, encouraging them to fire into the air and celebrating dangerous behaviour, only to condemn the consequences when somebody dies. We must change both the conduct of those who carry guns and the attitude of those who encourage their recklessness.

    Nigeria needs security officers who are brave enough to protect the public, disciplined enough to control their weapons and professional enough to resolve civilian crises without unnecessary bloodshed. It also needs citizens who understand that respect for security personnel does not require compromising safety.

    The demand is simple: protect the people, use force only when necessary, make safer alternatives available, investigate every shooting and punish proven wrongdoing.

    The time is now for us to raise our voices before another family is thrown into mourning.

    For all of us, we need to answer this question; how many more Nigerians must die before we agree that the gun should be the last resort, not the first response?

  • IG Disu Proposes 200% Gratuity for Retired Police Officers

    IG Disu Proposes 200% Gratuity for Retired Police Officers

    Precious Nwonu, Enugu

    Inspector-General of Police Olatunji Disu has proposed a 200 per cent gratuity for retired police officers as part of efforts to reform the Nigeria Police Force’s pension system and improve retirement benefits.

    The proposal is before a presidential committee set up to examine pension-related concerns among police personnel and recommend lasting solutions to the challenges affecting serving and retired officers.

    The committee includes representatives of the Ministry of Finance, the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation, the National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission, the Budget Office of the Federation and the National Pension Commission.

    Under the proposed arrangement, eligible officers would receive an enhanced gratuity, with pension benefits linked to their last salaries.

    The initiative is also expected to address repeated protests by serving police officers demanding withdrawal from the Contributory Pension Scheme, an issue that has generated persistent controversy within the force.

    The proposed reforms seek to resolve outstanding pension liabilities, improve payments to retirees and establish a more effective system for administering police pensions.

    The plan could also cover officers who retired before a new pension framework is introduced, with provisions to review their benefits in line with any revised terms.

    The proposal comes amid renewed efforts by President Bola Tinubu’s administration to address complaints from retired officers over inadequate pension benefits, delayed payments and administrative bottlenecks.

    The Federal Government has reportedly cleared outstanding pension arrears that previously left some retirees waiting for up to two years. Pension increases have also been introduced, with some beneficiaries receiving almost twice their previous payments.

    Disu’s engagements with the Presidency, PenCom and other relevant institutions are expected to support efforts to resolve outstanding funding issues, pension liabilities and administrative challenges.

    However, the proposed 200 per cent gratuity has not been approved. Its implementation will depend on the presidential committee’s recommendations, government approval, funding arrangements and the guidelines eventually adopted.

    The final decision is expected to clarify who will qualify for the enhanced benefits and whether the reforms will cover serving officers nearing retirement as well as existing pensioners.

  • [OPINION] Mike Ogbuekwe’s One Week in Office

    [OPINION] Mike Ogbuekwe’s One Week in Office

    By Paul Nwosu, PhD

    The morning often offers a glimpse of what the day holds. Barely one week after assuming office as Executive Chairman of Nkanu East Local Government Area, Enugu State, Hon. Mike Ogbuekwe has given an early indication of the direction of his administration.

    While some newly elected council chairmen are still savouring their victories with celebrations and thanksgiving services, Ogbuekwe has hit the ground running, focusing on education, infrastructure, digital skills and security. His early moves reflect a determination to translate Governor Peter Mbah’s development agenda into tangible benefits for the people of Nkanu East.

    Ogbuekwe began his tenure with an inspection of the Green Smart School at Ugbawka, underscoring his administration’s commitment to education and the future of the younger generation.

    During the visit, he inspected the facilities, interacted with staff and assessed progress as well as areas requiring attention. He commended Governor Mbah for transforming basic education through the Smart Schools initiative and pledged to ensure that the facilities in Nkanu East are properly maintained and effectively utilised.

    To strengthen supervision, the chairman subsequently inaugurated a committee to monitor the activities, facilities and operations of the Smart Schools, alongside establishing a Situation Room for real-time monitoring and coordination.

    The committee is chaired by the Head of Works, Engr. Ngene Chukwuemeka, with Engr. John Ogbu as a member, Dr. Eneh Kingsley, PRS, as secretary, and Mrs. Ajaegbu Theresa, Head of Education, as a member.

    The initiative signals an emphasis not merely on providing educational infrastructure but also on ensuring that it functions efficiently and delivers the intended benefits.

    At the Nkanu East Local Government Secretariat in Amagunze, Ogbuekwe inspected facilities, including the council’s ICT Centre, and directed the immediate commencement of regular ICT training for civil servants.

    The objective is to improve digital literacy, enhance staff productivity and strengthen service delivery.

    Beyond the workforce, the chairman envisions transforming the ICT Centre into a digital skills hub where young people can acquire practical technology skills to improve their prospects for employment and entrepreneurship.

    It is a forward-looking approach that recognises the growing importance of digital competence in modern governance and economic development.

    Security also featured prominently in the chairman’s first-week engagements.

    Ogbuekwe met with security chiefs operating in Nkanu East at the Local Government Headquarters, Amagunze, to discuss strategies for strengthening collaboration and improving public safety.

    He subsequently met with neighbourhood watch groups across the local government area, providing a platform for security personnel to share professional insights and propose measures to improve intelligence sharing, coordination and proactive responses to security threats.

    The chairman commended Governor Mbah’s security strategy and pledged to work closely with security agencies and community-based security groups to protect lives and property.

    The emphasis is on consolidating peace and creating a secure environment for social and economic development.

    Taken together, these initiatives offer an early glimpse into Ogbuekwe’s priorities: effective management of public infrastructure, improved education, digital empowerment, accountability and security.

    Although one week is too short to measure the overall performance of an administration, the chairman’s initial engagements suggest a deliberate attempt to identify immediate needs, strengthen existing government interventions and establish mechanisms for effective service delivery.

    The real test, of course, will be the consistency of implementation and the measurable impact of these initiatives on the lives of the people.

    For now, Ogbuekwe appears determined to make his first days count, aligning his administration with Governor Mbah’s development agenda while bringing local attention to the specific needs of Nkanu East.

    For the people of Nkanu East, the expectation is clear: that this early momentum will translate into sustained action, better public services and improved living standards.

    As the chairman’s own rallying message declares: “Tomorrow Is Here.”

  • ENUGU STATE: FROM STOMACH INFRASTRUCTURE TO SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

    ENUGU STATE: FROM STOMACH INFRASTRUCTURE TO SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

    By Dr. John Egbo, Deputy Sheriff (Rtd)

    “Building Today for the Prosperity of Tomorrow.”

    The administration of His Excellency, Dr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, Governor of Enugu State, has placed infrastructure, industrialization, digital technology, and human capital development at the centre of its development agenda.

    The objective is to lay a solid foundation for a productive economy capable of creating jobs, attracting investment, and sustaining the needs of present and future generations.

    The era when politics revolves primarily around stomach infrastructure must give way to a development philosophy that empowers citizens to become economically self-reliant. Temporary handouts cannot substitute for sustainable investments in roads, electricity, water, healthcare, digital education, agriculture, technology, and industries that generate employment and wealth.

    As the popular saying goes, “Give a man a fish, and you feed him for a day; teach him how to fish, and you feed him for a lifetime.”

    This principle captures the importance of equipping our people with the skills, opportunities, infrastructure, and productive capacity to earn a living to earn a living overseas and at home, create businesses, and contribute meaningfully to the society.

    THE EVIDENCE BASED DEVELOPMENT

    Enugu State’s development trajectory under Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah encompasses a broad range of infrastructure and economic initiatives, including the completion, rehabilitation, or development of projects inherited from previous administrations, alongside new investments intended to position the state for the geometrical growth, today and tomorrow.

    These initiatives include:

    1. Revamping Critical Infrastructure and Urban Development such as:

    Water infrastructure and improved access to potable water.

    The International Conference Centre (ICC).

    The reconstructed 5-Star Hotel Presidential.

    The Abandoned State Secretariat undergoing completion.

    Rehabilitation and redevelopment of the Nnamdi Azukiwe stadium.

    Construction of multiple Intra-city and inter-city road networks to improve access to agricultural products and development.

    Tourism infrastructure located across the State

    The proposed Enugu Smart City of the Future.

    2. Industrialization and Energy,

    Coal Fired Power Generating Plant will soon be on the ground.

    Best Niger Gas Plant fully functional.

    Palm oil processing plants.

    Modern farming equipment Assembly Plant.

    Haier-related Digital Assembly and Manufacturing Company.

    Industrial investments intended to expand economic activity and create employment opportunities.

    Agriculture and Food Security: Modern farms and Farm Estates across Enugu State local government areas.

    Agricultural processing and value-addition projects designed to strengthen food production and support agro-industrial development.

    3. Digital Technology, Security, and Artificial Intelligence

    A digital Command and Control Security Centre.

    A forensic laboratory initiative.

    Enugu Talent City and Artificial Intelligence Institute initiatives.

    The deployment of 150 AI-enabled Distress Response Squad units.

    4. Education, Healthcare, and Human Capital Development

    Smart Green Schools in all 260 wards of tge state.

    Type 2 healthcare centres in all wards of the state.

    An International Hospital initiative to curb medical tourism.

    Upgrading and strengthening healthcare services at Parklane Hospital.

    Development initiatives relating to the Igbo-Ano Teaching Hospital.

    5. Modern Transportation initiatives

    The 5 Modern Bus Terminals for seamless and secure transportation ecosystem in the state.

    Enugu Air – the Airline that has made Enugu a frequent destination for all and powering access for investors.

    The deployment initiative for 200 CNG-powered buses and a city taxi fleet to ease transportation and empowerment.

    WHY THIS DEVELOPMENT PHILOSOPHY MATTERS

    The future of Enugu State cannot depend solely on political promises or short term interventions. Sustainable prosperity requires disruptive innovations and investments that expand the productive capacity of the economy that power employment for the Enugu residents.

    When roads connect communities and markets, businesses can operate more efficiently. When industries are established, they create opportunities for direct and indirect employment. When young people acquire digital and technical skills, they become better positioned to work overseas while living in Nigeria as well as participate in the emerging technology driven economy worldwide. When healthcare and education improve, human capital becomes stronger.

    These are the foundations upon which a more resilient and self-sustaining society can be built not on stomach infrastructure that is a mere handout.

    The real test of development, however, is not simply the announcement of projects or making promises. It is their verified completion, effective operation, accessibility to citizens, measurable economic impact, evidence of resources and capacity to deliver lasting public value.

    That is why evidence-based governance should be central to political accountability. Citizens deserve to evaluate administrations by what has been delivered, what is genuinely under construction, what remains proposed, and the measurable benefits of public investment.

    THE FUTURE OF ENUGU IS A COLLECTIVE RESPONSIBILITY

    The development of Enugu State should transcend partisan divisions. Citizens, community leaders, investors, professionals, and political stakeholders all have a role to play in sustaining productive investments and holding public institutions accountable for results.

    Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah’s “Tomorrow Is Here” mantra places the future of Enugu at the centre of public discourse. The important question for every citizen is how today’s policies, infrastructure, and investments will improve the opportunities available to the next generation.

    As the state approaches another electoral cycle, the conversation should focus on verifiable achievements, unfinished projects, economic outcomes, employment creation, and credible plans for the future.

    Enugu deserves a development conversation anchored in evidence, accountability, industrial growth, digital innovation, and sustainable prosperity not merely political rhetoric, creating fear or temporary handouts without indicating projects and how to realize the funds to achieve the projects.

    Tomorrow is not built by promises alone. It is built through purposeful investment, measurable results, and the collective commitment to secure a better future for the good people of Enugu State.

    The future of Enugu depends on the continuity of Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah as the Governor of Enugu State.

    Our tomorrow is indeed here and we must protect it.

  • 30-Day Fuel : Alálùpàídà and His Devil’s Water

    30-Day Fuel : Alálùpàídà and His Devil’s Water

    By Festus Adedayo

    WHEN the Nigerian government announced a 30-day temporary fuel price intervention last Thursday, likes began to attract likes. In the government’s announcement, petrol will henceforth be on offer at N1,350 per litre at designated NNPCL stations.

    That announcement immediately resonated in the Kenyan author, Ngugi wa Thiong›o’s debut novel, Weep Not, Child (1964). After all, life, so says Bob Marley, is a stream that will find its course. And, in the words of our elders, whilst the tortoise’s head bears striking resemblance with man’s big toe and the groundnut shell is a look-alike of the cocoon of the rat species called eliri, comparison is allowed.

    As Njoroge – the book’s young protagonist – walks past the hot, newly tarred road of colonial Kenya, he suddenly sees far off what looks like a puddle of water. He is excited. It will quench his thirst, he thinks so. Gradually, as he moves towards it, Njoroge discovers to his sadness that the water is an optical illusion, a mirage. Ngũgi calls the puddle “devil’s water”. The author wrote: “Further ahead, the road was trapped in the heat. It became a moving featureless line that shook with the rising waves of hot air. If you looked hard, you could see pools of water. But when you got there, the water had moved further ahead. Njoroge’s mother had told him that this was devil’s water, water that kept on retreating so that you could never reach it, however fast you ran.”

    That is what Abuja offered last week – devil’s petrol. It brings Ngũgi’s ghost into the dreary day of the Nigerian. When you dissect the Kenyan›s “devil’s water” imagery, it gives you so many images. For me, it reminds me of my youth in Ikire, Osun State of today. As kids, in mere underpants, we used to rush to a place called Ori Eeru to watch a set of people called the Alalùpaidà and Pidanpidan. They were famously reputed with the power to make things vanish or change form, right before your eyes. If you remember “Ali and the Angel” in the classic New Oxford English Course book, you would relate perfectly with how the devil’s water prices itself out of the reach of the famished.

    The Alálùpàídà and the Pidánpidán were masters of trickery. They were illusionists, conjurers and magicians. As Ngügi said, no matter how fast you ran, you could never sidestep these folks in their artifice. So also couldn’t you outwit illusionists. In Ikire, we lined to watch the tricksters bring out various wiles from their pouch of deceit. In the background, the bata drum, famous for its sharp, harsh, and commanding sound, wedged its dry and powerful rhythm into our ears. As it did so, the batá then invoked its ritual authority and spiritual presence on us.

    The crowd was held spellbound. Right before us, encircled by the crowd that had gathered, a man was lying on a mat, covered with a white cloth.

    There was an ensemble of singers beside the bàtá drummers. They had white loin cloths strapped round them, camwood decorating their faces. As they danced, they sang, “be careful, the world is not happy” – “se pèlé-pèlé, inú nb’áráyé o..”.

    Suddenly, a man folds the white cloth, like curtains opening a new scene in a cinema. Then we beheld, in place of the man we hitherto saw lying on the mat, a live crocodile. It flipped its huge mouth open and close intermittently. How this happened, you never could tell. It was like a chimera. The devil’s water.

    Last Thursday, the life of an Alálùpàídà and Pidánpidán made sense to me. I was at the Adeleke University, Ede, Osun State. My friend of many years, Prof Adelaja Odukoya, was delivering this year’s Toyin Falola Annual Lecture.

    In that lecture, Odukoya reminded us of Brazilian Marxist scholar, Paulo Freire and his famous book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1968). A book that critically engaged the relationship between teacher, student, and society, it also explored the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized. I instantly remembered the oppression Nigerians go through under their leaders. Like a chimera, the devil’s water, Nigerian leaders lure their people with make-believe policies. Njoroge was lured, too. Nigerian leaders starve their people of water and lead them to the hot, asphalted road where a non-existent puddle of water appears to be what would quench their thirst.

    I was just leaving Ede that Thursday when the news of Aso Rock’s most recent Alupaida stunt hit me. That day was Prof Toyin Falola’s day. At the Adeleke University, which holds an annual Falola Annual Lecture, it was another time to celebrate a man regarded as one of Africa›s most decorated and prolific historians. If you needed a modern day ebora who lived in the forest, the African mythological god of the academy – the deity, divinity or earthly spirit made popular by D. O. Fagunwa – Falola is he. Rather than the forest, Falola however lives in books.

    If a man has been invited to speak in all the countries of the world, received over 30 to 40 lifetime achievement awards, numerous honourary doctorates that range from 16 to over 28, and high national honours such as the Member of the Order of Niger (MON), he surely is an ebora.

    Falola also has an institutional legacy as Chair of the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker in the Humanities at the University of Texas, at Austin. He is credited with having authored or edited over 150 to 200 books on Africa, and has multiple annual conferences, prizes, and book awards named in his honour. It will be incongruous to name such a man as part of the ordinary human ensemble. He qualifies to be an ebora.

    My friend of many years, Prof Laja Odukoya, of the University of Lagos, was the Distinguished Lecturer for this year. With his clinical dissection of the lecture topic entitled, “History, Power and Accumulation: Re-imagining Africa in the Globally Disorderly Order,” I left the Adeleke University hall fired, only to be further ignited by the fire of Aso Rock’s Njoroge devil’s water – the 30-day illusion of presidential intervention.

    That announcement of a N1,350 price ceiling on fuel to Nigerians provides a very sharp irony.

    On one side is what appears as a temporary cushion for the long-suffering Nigerian people.

    On another is an underline of how dramatically the goalposts have shifted. Before May 2023, same petrol sold for under #200 per litre. The Nigerian presidency has been waxing lyrical ever since about its economic wizardry stunts of bringing about a spike in macro-economic indicators. Yet, life is harshly unbearable for millions of our countrymen.

    Like an Alálùpaídà bringing out the next stunt, FG has now framed its token reduction of petrol price by N60 as a Father Christmas “intervention.” In actual fact, that “reduction” is a transactional publicity stunt that comes tar too late, too little and which underscores the administration’s deep disdain for the Nigerian public. It is a trickery that appears interventionist but which would scarcely and barely be felt by the people. It is a paradox that a government which said, under it, things are looking up for the people, and their situation had improved, is giving out such tokenism and expects to be carried shoulder high. It exposes the magnitude of the economic shift citizens are navigating and the cruelty of their leaders. It also shows how Nigerians’ jugular is being fiddled with by our Alálùpàídà in power for whom everything is trickery. And our suffering, our deaths, make us guinea pigs for their morbid amusement.

    Were this a humane government, since almost four years in power, as saner countries of the world have done to protect their people from inclement economies, they know mechanisms that can cushion the blow of “subsidy is gone.” However, the Alálùpàídà have deliberately chosen not to protect us until now when it seems politically convenient. Government has thus elected to treat our fundamental human survival as a temporary promo or seasonal clearance sale. This reflects a leadership that views us the people not as stakeholders, but as desperate subjects easily pacified by breadcrumbs.

    Why the N60 “intervention” appears as morbid amusement is that, the characters behind this theatre know that Nigeria’s informal economy, where the poorest of the poor are trapped, relies heavily on petrol. If a Nigerian secures the kingdom of gasoline, all other things shall be added unto them. The Nigerian economy is held together basically by petrol. When pump prices hit exponentially as they have crazily been in years of this government, there is a skyrocket of food haulage costs. The poor are grilled to survive. Electricity grid is plagued by frequent collapses and heavens-high decimated bands’ electricity tariffs. Barbers’ pockets are shaved clean. Tailors are tailored to hell. Cold-room operators’ hearts become cold and deserted like a morgue. Transportation costs compete with the firmament. They are all dying due to the daily costs of keeping the lights on. It is even worse for micro-businesses. Daily fuel costs drill bitterly into their gross revenues, often turning self-employment into a loss-enterprise.

    Today, Nigeria battles food inflation that has reached historically frightening highs. Real wages are like the stunts of the Alálùpàídà. Staple foods of middle-and low-income households like beans, bread, gari and rice have suddenly morphed from what they were – basic sustenance – into luxury items. Families become masters of dining table restructuring. They are daily trapped in a consumption and dietary compromise.

    All efforts by the Tinubu government to make the crocodile look real have failed. Nigerians see them as Alalupaídà stunts. Simplicita. The upward revision of the national minimum wage to #70,000, though looks high, is killed by a stunted purchasing power which has been eroded completely when compared to pre-subsidy purchasing power. That #70,000 wage can hardly fill a modest family salary earner’s car tank.

  • Akpabio and Obono-Obla’s bala-bala

    Akpabio and Obono-Obla’s bala-bala

    By Festus Adedayo

    WHEN your speech appears to contain gibberish or is empty, a famous Yoruba slang gives such talk the moniker, bala-bala or in another context, pala-pala. None of the two has a formal linguistic translation or meaning but have existed long enough to gain individual notoriety.

    Last week, two Nigerians, both of the APC, spat such nonsensical talks that they could jolly well qualify for the slangs above.

    Last week, Senate President Godswill Akpabio mounted the gibberish podium. Give it to him:

    Akpabio is a professor of gibberish. Sometimes, many wonder if Nigeria’s senate president first talks before engaging his thinking cap. At a senate plenary last week, like an illusionist or magician who Yoruba call the pidan-pidan, Akpabio stunned an unshockable Nigerian people by heaving out a bag of magical statement: He has never truly been a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    “My spirit might be there, but my heart was never there,” the senator, who deserves to be garlanded “the most loquacious parliamentarian in Nigerian history,” said.

    That pala-pala came when a motion to beatify late former Kogi State governor, Ibrahim Idris, came at plenary. And Senator Jibrin Isah went nostalgic of a time when all of them belonged to the PDP. Akpabio then jumped into the fray and denounced the label, saying he had always rejected the label, describing himself as a “progressive” who was never a true member of the party.

    Now, what can pass as bala-bala more than this? Sometimes when a talk verges on the idiotic, Yoruba call it pala-pala ilu apala (as inchoate as Apala music drumming). If you ask me whether Apala music’s symphony is discordant, I will say ’no. I however think the authors of that phrase were just having a nice time with the onomatopoeia and assonance in it.

    The man who said his “heart was never there” served for eight years as governor of PDP’s Akwa Ibom State from 2007 to 2015. He was nominated by PDP governors to be their chair at the PDP Governors’ Forum. In 2015, he became senator on the PDP platform and rose to become PDP’s Senate Minority Leader, from 2015 until 2018. If a man occupied such pinnacle of a political party in over a decade, yet felt no qualms in ditching his benefactor by saying his “heart was never there, then President Bola Tinubu must be wary of Akpabio. I do not think Judas Iscariot did worse thing to our Lord Jesus Christ.

    The spit of Akpabio’s bala-bala had hardly dried when Okoi Obono-Obla, APC founding member, mounted the saddle. He was on a national television last week. Ordinarily in Yorubaland, when you wake up early in the morning to be confronted by a messy and unpleasant scene, of the texture I found strung to Obono-Obla’s mouth that morning, the day is totally fouled up. Nothing good could come out of it.

    You are advised by our forefathers to go back to bed for a remedial of a metaphysically damaged day. Upon listening to Obono-Obla, I did the needful and re-hugged my pillow.

    Listen to the bala-bala: There is nothing wrong with the Rainbow Coalition being championed by FCT minister, Nyesom Wike. “Such is not new in Nigeria”,

    He further went on and cited a Kenyan coalition and what he said was an alliance of the ruling NPN of Shehu Shagari government of the Second Republic with the PRP. Yet another, he said: “Reverend Jesse Jackson formed a coalition (that) was a mixed bag of Republicans, Democrats, African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinos, conservatives, and socialists.”

    Then he veered into what seemed to vex him most. APC governors had marginalized and alienated original party members like him. He then justified Wike’s interloping role by saying “APC governors are responsible for the circumstances under which Minister Wike is trying to draw people into his coalition.” Not done, when asked about the present state of the PDP, he said, “I don’t think the PDP is scattered.” He justified that cant by saying Wike’s PDP had “candidates nominated to INEC, the PDP has candidates in almost all parts of the country, unlike the NNPP or ADC. The PDP is still there, largely thanks to the efforts of Wike. That is good for the country’s democracy.”

    First, in that interview, Obono-Obla committed what is called the fallacy of false analogy. What the ruling NPN did in 1979 was to form a working legislative and political coalition with the NPP shortly after the 1979 elections. Their aim was to secure a working majority in the National Assembly. The alliance however collapsed in 1981, three years after, due to mutual political discordant tunes. The other analogies Obono-Obla gave were what they were: “bala-bala” and “pala-pala ilu apala”!

    While all the examples he gave were institutional, involving political parties in alliance, what we have with Wike’s solo romp in the APC has a flavour similar only to what Chief Bola Ige did under Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999. The man of honour that the Immortal Ige was, he retraced his steps out of the bind when he found out that it was like tying one’s legs to a spot with the Yoruba rope called “okun agba”.

    I think, between Obono-Obla and Godswill Akpabio, last week was laced with enough gibberish to last a lifetime.

  • Nigerian Navy Opens 2026 Batch 39 Recruitment, Sets October 31 Deadline

    Nigerian Navy Opens 2026 Batch 39 Recruitment, Sets October 31 Deadline

    Precious Nwonu, Enugu

    The Nigerian Navy has announced the commencement of its 2026 recruitment exercise for Batch 39 of the Nigerian Navy Basic Training School.

    The application window will open on October 2 and close on October 31, 2026, with eligible applicants required to complete the process online through the Navy’s official recruitment portal. The announcement was made by the Navy on Monday.

    The recruitment is open to Nigerian citizens by birth who possess a National Identification Number and meet the prescribed educational, age, physical and medical requirements.

    Applicants are required to be medically, physically and psychologically fit, while candidates must have no previous criminal conviction.

    The Navy also stipulated a minimum height of 1.69 metres for male applicants and 1.65 metres for female applicants.

    For candidates applying with O’Level qualifications, the guideline requires applicants to be between 18 and 22 years as of December 31, 2026, with at least five credits, including Mathematics and English Language, in not more than two sittings.

    Different age and qualification requirements apply to candidates seeking entry through categories requiring OND, NCE, medical qualifications, trades and sports-related skills.

    The Navy said successful applicants would be required to print their acknowledgement, parent or guardian consent, Local Government attestation and guarantor’s certification forms after completing their online registration.

    It added that details of the recruitment examination, including the date and venues, would be communicated to applicants at a later date.

    The Navy warned prospective applicants that the recruitment process is completely free and advised them not to pay anyone claiming to have the ability to influence their selection.

    It also cautioned that only one application would be accepted from each candidate, adding that multiple applications would result in disqualification.

    Applicants must also be able to communicate in basic English, as failure to meet the requirement could lead to disqualification at any stage of the recruitment process.

    The Navy urged interested Nigerians to consult the official recruitment portal for the complete guidelines when registration opens on October 2.

  • El-Rufai’s Betrayer and Betrayals

    El-Rufai’s Betrayer and Betrayals

    -By Festus Adedayo

    My first encounter with Nasir El-Rufai was in year 2000 at the Akodo Resort, a popular Lagos beachfront getaway along the Lekki-Epe Expressway in Ibeju-Lekki. As Director-General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), he had come to sell to his audience the talismanic powers of the agency in unbundling the potential of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration. I saw a super-brilliant man.

    A pint-sized frame trapping a mountainous intellect, Nasir spoke with verve and conviction. In a voice barely above a whisper, he bored deep into the hearts of his audience as one of the standout talents of that era. Yet, as the years rolled by, El-Rufai unraveled into a classic political polymath undone by his own hubris. Locked away in what is undoubtedly a political witch-hunt, he is a quintessential brilliant strategist whose restless tongue and lack of tact ultimately became his Achilles› heel. El-Rufai’s predicament reflects the tragedy of an impolitic genius: a hugely capable operator perpetually limited by a total absence of a political filter.

    Now, a wound inflicted by a friend does not heal. This African proverb must capture the current state of mind of the stormy petrel of Kaduna State. In that mind, the ironies of power hang thickly in the damp air. Locked beyond iron bars in the custody of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) in Abuja for over 200 days now, life must have dealt Nasir a humbling blow. As he penned the short epistle entitled “Mr Relationship And Its Aftermath” on his X handle last week, psychoanalysis would reveal a mind gutted by regrets, ruptured by guilt, and quietly ruminating on the unforgiving nature of political power.

    In that X post of his, El-Rufai offered two theses to chew: his relationships, and their aftermath. Nasir’s relationships have always mirrored his historical combativeness. He is never a politician who believed that gentleness was an art of statecraft. His public trajectory shows an uncompromising bulldozer who laid political waste to opponents; a sharp-tongued, untouchable power broker of Abuja and Kaduna.

    El-Rufai brings to mind the fable of the old, hunting-weary lion who feigned illness and invited all animals to visit his cave, and who slaughtered them one after another for a meal. Similarly, El-Rufai’s path is littered with the carcasses of political associates and bosses whose flesh he mangled for personal convenience. The trail is long: from Atiku Abubakar, to Obasanjo, Muhammadu Buhari, and beyond. The paradoxical question arising from that Nasir X reflection on his relationships is this: Can a man who weaponized political leverage; who wasted associations and friendships in the process, now complain when that same cold, unfeeling apparatus turns its fangs on him?

    Consider the lineage of his battles. El-Rufai is credited with a controversial statement made at a Kaduna APC stakeholders› meeting in September 2017, where he reportedly declared that his political adversaries always meet an unfortunate end. To validate this, he pointed to his battles with Presidents Umaru Yar›Adua and Goodluck Jonathan. It was widely interpreted as a boast that, while his opponents faced downfall or death, he always survived. Today, the sphinx is at the end of his tethers.

    Yet, like a paradox, from the flipside of that same lens, El-Rufai put his combativeness, fearlessness, and acerbic tongue in the service of friendship. The most prominent beneficiaries of that hubris remain former Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    Upon the dethronement of Sanusi II in March 2020, El-Rufai demonstrated the truth of the classic Yoruba adage that it is in moments of adversity that true friendship is tested —“Ìgbà ìpónjú l’a ń mò’ré.” As governor of Kaduna State, El-Rufai shielded the embattled Emir, standing resolutely by his side like the Wall of Gibraltar. He intervened through a series of bold, calculated moves, at great risk to his office and political future. By then, insiders who knew said that Buhari’s grievance was beyond what the rest of the world could see. It was encapsulated by the ire of a grieving man seeking vengeance for the trampling of his inviolable “Oza room” by a man whose libido knew no bounds.

    El-Rufai’s first adversarial and bold, daring move against an Almighty Buhari presidency was a swift, deadly punch delivered with masterly finish: immediate institutional solidarity for the deposed Emir. To fill the public vacuum created by the dethronement, on the very day of his deposition, El-Rufai appointed Sanusi Vice-Chairman of the Kaduna Investment Promotion Agency. Barely 48 hours later, he named him Chancellor of Kaduna State University. It was a massive fortification of brotherly ties at a time when the fear of Buhari’s Villa cabal had caused other friends to scatter.

    El-Rufai could be superlative, even excessive, in supporting his allies. He went beyond administrative appointments into wrapping his friend in a cloak of political protection. In this, he provided him crucial logistical assistance. Immediately, he dispatched Kaduna State’s official vehicles to go convey Sanusi’s harem and waist-bead-long family aftermath of the exile. With this, Sanusi’s family had easy access to visit him in his remote exile town of Awe, Nasarawa State. It still did not end there. Upon the pronouncement of the federal court which granted the deposed Emir breather from banishment, El-Rufai personally appeared in Awe to offer Sanusi solidarity and even personally escorted him out of exile to safety in Lagos.

    Today, history presents a stark irony: Sanusi walks the corridors of power with his royal robes trailing through political corridors, as silent as a sphinx, while his saviour sits in a cold, lonely jail cell.

    The political fallout between President Bola Tinubu and El-Rufai presents a striking parallel to the mid-20th-century rift between Kenya’s founding president, Jomo Kenyatta, and his vice president, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. The historical mechanics behind the Kenyan fallout offer a window into power struggles that span borders and eras. It demonstrates that statecraft relies on the same cold machinery: leveraging key allies to bridge regional or ideological divides to capture executive office, only to systematically dismantle their relevance once authority is consolidated.

    In early post-independence Kenya, while championing Kenyatta as the sole leader who could unite the nation, Odinga famously refused to take the helm of government while Kenyatta remained imprisoned. Yet, as soon as Kenyatta was released and assumed the presidency, he systematically neutralized Odinga’s influence within the ruling party, eventually forcing him out.

    In both instances — Tinubu/El-Rufai and Kenyatta/Odinga, what we have/had was an indispensable ally mobilizing critical regional capital to install a leader, only to be promptly discarded, alienated, and stripped of influence once the administration took roots. In strikingly similar fashion, El-Rufai fought fierce partisan battles for Tinubu. Despite this pivotal loyalty, his nomination to Tinubu’s cabinet was torpedoed by an engineered clearance failure in the Senate. This marked the former governor’s abrupt transition from trusted kingmaker to political outsider, and ultimately, political detainee.

    It is difficult to trace the depth of the Tinubu/El-Rufai relationship prior to Tinubu’s presidential ambition. But when political vultures encircled Tinubu to derail his candidacy, El-Rufai stepped forward like a matador. He appears to specialize in stepping in for weak friends boxed into a corner. His strategic interventions proved instrumental in securing Tinubu’s victory in 2023.

    At a time when the political class feared the menacing claws of the Buhari cabal, El-Rufai boldly led the northern governors who adamantly insisted that power must shift to the South after Buhari’s eight-year tenure. He directly confronted the presidency when Buhari’s body language suggested backing a northern successor like Ahmed Lawan. At the APC presidential primary, El-Rufai acted as Tinubu’s most impregnable shield. How were we to know that battle shields can turn into battle-wary sandals?

    Throughout the 2023 campaign, El-Rufai remained in the vanguard. Beyond marketing candidate Tinubu to the northern electorate through focal groups and media engagements, he vigorously defended the controversial Muslim-Muslim ticket.

    Yet another stab of betrayal felt by El-Rufai came from close quarters: National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu, and his political protégé, former activist-turned Kaduna State Governor, Uba Sani. Defying the Yoruba wisdom that he whom one leans upon owes one a warning before stepping away, Uba Sani assumed the role of Judas to the presidency’s Pontius Pilate. He not only abandoned his benefactor at a critical juncture, he also exposed El-Rufai’s financial records and debt profile as governor, aligning himself with those who put his mentor on the cross. To satisfy the Villa, Sani prompted the State House of Assembly to probe his benefactor over alleged misappropriation of funds — an indictment that forms a core pillar of El-Rufai›s current legal troubles.

    Ribadu, for his part, ditched Nasir at the altar of political convenience. As Governor Sani cooked own hemlock for El-Rufai to swallow, Ribadu cooked his too in the El-Rufai wiretaps travails. They both became answerable to the quintessential example of the Yoruba’s projection of betrayals which is reflected in their lamentation that, placing absolute trust in an ally can prove calamitous: “Ẹni a gb’ójú okùn lé, kò ju ẹni agba.”

    El-Rufai’s travails at the hands of his associates demonstrate that in African politics, «friendship» is rarely a moral covenant; it is a transactional instrument. How ironic is it that Nasir, one of Nigeria’s most calculating practitioners of political mechanics, is now wrapped in the shawls of his own fate. Not only is he tasting the bitter pill of abandonment by those he shielded, he is equally experiencing the cold, unfeeling calculus of power, learning how perishable loyalty becomes when the invoice comes due.

    While in office, El-Rufai harvested a large coterie of political enemies. Activist Shehu Mahdi highlighted how he courted the ire of the northern establishment, from the unceremonious revocation of land allocations belonging to northern elites, to his controversial security stances and borderless tendency to talk down on others. These strained his relationship with elders who could rescue him today. Mahdi noted that while campaigning for Tinubu, El-Rufai declared that «there were no elders in the North» because the establishment opposed Tinubu’s candidacy. Those same elders have now remained silent as he undergoes his ordeal.

    Many observe that El-Rufai became the Nostradamus of his own plight. In his 2013 memoir, The Accidental Public Servant, he articulated how friends abandon friends and subordinates desert their leaders the moment authority vanishes. His life mirrors the devastating nature of that rhythm of betrayal by those closest to political leaders shorn of power. He reminds me of what a political follower told ex-Enugu State governor, Chimaroke Nnamani, in 2007 at a time he suffered huge political abandonment and outflow into the camp of his protege/friend-turned successor, Sullivan Chime. The fellow said, as it is said in Igboland, goats follow only he who holds the palm-frond. Palm frond, in this instance, meaning political power, that had just changed hands. While physical injuries from strangers heal with time, the emotional trauma of a stab from an ally shatters the foundation of trust.

    El-Rufai’s situation evokes Niccolò Machiavelli’s The Prince and Thomas Hobbes’ thesis on self-preservation in the arena of power. El-Rufai’s isolation teaches that in statecraft, gratitude is viewed as a burden, while self-preservation remains the ultimate law.

    Yet Nasir ought to have known that the rules that now apply to him also apply to his adversaries. Politics is war by other means — and in war, you kill or get killed. Reversing Carl von Clausewitz’s famous dictum from his classic, On War — that «War is merely the continuation of policy (or politics) by other means» — those who justify keeping El-Rufai incarcerated until the 2027 elections rely on the pragmatic logic of self-preservation: no one leaves their own rear exposed to the eagle while watching over another›s head.

    A foundational rule in military training is never to leave a wounded soldier behind. Ribadu, Uba Sani, and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi have all chosen to disregard this rule in the calculus of power. Nasir is that wounded soldier in a war of crossfires.

    Ultimately, these patterns of betrayal — Kenyatta/Odinga, Tinubu/El-Rufai, El-Rufai/Sani, El-Rufai/Ribadu, El-Rufai/Sanusi — underscore a fundamental law of political expedience: once a kingmaker serves their purpose, their remaining influence becomes a liability. Just as Kenyatta viewed Odinga’s independent base as a long-term threat to his consolidation of power, Tinubu moved to isolate El-Rufai to establish a single center of authority within state apparatus. Whether in Nairobi in the 1960s or Abuja and Kaduna today, the dynamic remains unchanged: tactical alliances are easily sacrificed on the altar of total control.

    In all of this, we observe the ephemerality of power and the nature of power as a volatile mist. Political friendship becomes indistinguishable from a handshake across a dagger, and loyalty proves to be a fleeting shadow. El-Rufai’s fall illustrates how fickle human praise becomes once the masquerade’s robes are removed. For bystanders observing these calculations, it is a haunting reflection on political memory in Africa: the axe forgets, but the tree remembers. Yet, in the court of kings, even the tree learns to pretend it never had roots.

    How does one interpret Sanusi’s silence today? Is it individual morality yielding to political survival, pure ingratitude, or the pragmatic instinct that the Kano throne cannot afford to burn bridges with a sitting president for the sake of a disgraced former governor?

    El-Rufai’s fate carries a broader warning for Nigeria’s political class. It is a cautionary parable for those wielding authority in Abuja and across the 36 state capitals: the court of power is populated by fair-weather sycophants, and the room at the top is always cold, and lonely.

     

  • The Supreme Court Has Changed the Rules for 2027

    The Supreme Court Has Changed the Rules for 2027

    -By Abdul Mahmud

    The news about the Supreme Court’s decision restoring sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2) of the Electoral Act 2026 which broke late last Thursday has done more than resolve the dispute between the Independent National Electoral Commission and the Zenith Labour Party, while altering the legal terrain upon which political parties prepare for the 2027 general election. The provisions mentioned above are now part of the law governing the nomination of candidates; and political parties cannot treat them as optional rules simply because some of their internal processes may already have proceeded on a different understanding. The immediate consequence is clear. Section 77(5) ties participation in party primaries, congresses and conventions to the membership register submitted to INEC within the prescribed period and Section 77(6) prevents a party from using a different register for those purposes, while section 77(7) attaches a particularly serious consequence to failure to submit the register as required. Section 84(2), meanwhile, prescribes direct primaries or consensus as the methods through which political parties nominate candidates.

    The Supreme Court has now held that these provisions are not inconsistent with the Constitution.

    The consequence for political parties is that internal party arrangements cannot be divorced from compliance with the law governing election. A party may have its constitution, convention, leadership organs, and rules, but those instruments operate within the legal framework established by the Constitution and the Electoral Act. The Supreme Court has now confirmed that the National Assembly may impose these requirements on the electoral activities of political parties.

    The difficulty, however, in understanding the consequences of all of this ies in the chronology. The Court of Appeal declared the provisions invalid on 16 July 2026. INEC subsequently appealed to the Supreme Court, which has now set aside that decision and restored the provisions. During the intervening period, parties preparing for 2027 were confronted with an appellate judgment that removed the legal foundation for some of the disputed requirements. The present judgment has brought the provisions back into force, but political parties that acted during the period of uncertainty cannot simply assume that every step they took will automatically survive scrutiny, with specific regards to party primaries.

    A political party that conducted its nomination process contrary to section 84(2) now faces an obvious legal question. If the party conducted an indirect primary at a time when the Court of Appeal had declared the statutory restriction unconstitutional, can a candidate subsequently challenge that nomination on the ground that the Supreme Court has restored the provision? The answer cannot be had by saying that the Supreme Court validated section 84(2). Questions concerning the temporal effect of the judgment, the doctrine of precedent, accrued rights and the circumstances in which a completed nomination may be challenged will have to be resolved in individual cases. The same problem arises under sections 77(5) to (7). A party may have conducted a congress or primary using a register different from the one submitted to INEC, or may have failed to comply with the statutory requirement concerning submission of its register. Such conduct can no longer be saved by the Court of Appeal’s judgment. A dissatisfied aspirant may now argue that the nomination process was conducted in breach of the governing electoral law.

    This development consequently opens a new field of pre-election litigation, but it does not, by itself, reopen the statutory window within which such proceedings may be commenced. The Constitution has imposed a strict temporal discipline on pre-election disputes. By section 285(9) of the Constitution, every pre-election matter must be filed not later than 14 days from the date of the occurrence of the event, decision or action complained of. The Electoral Act operates within that constitutional framework and cannot be invoked to extend a limitation period which the Constitution itself has prescribed.

    The critical question, therefore, is not simply when the legal consequence of an irregular nomination or electoral decision becomes apparent, but when the particular event, decision or action forming the subject of the complaint occurred. Once that event has occurred, the statutory clock begins to run. A subsequent discovery of its implications, or the emergence of a further consequence flowing from the original act, will not ordinarily revive a cause of action that has already become statute-barred. The courts have approached the question by examining the reliefs sought and identifying the specific event or decision that constitutes the plaintiff’s complaint. This has an important constitutional consequence. The jurisdiction conferred over pre-election matters is inseparable from the temporal limitation imposed by section 285(9). The court cannot enlarge the period by recourse to equitable considerations, nor can a litigant circumvent the limitation by repackaging an expired pre-election grievance as a post-election complaint. The jurisprudential purpose is evident: disputes concerning the selection, nomination and sponsorship of candidates are intended to be brought and, as far as possible, resolved before the election, leaving election petitions to address matters properly arising from the conduct and outcome of the election itself.

    There is, however, a constitutionally recognised qualification. Section 285(13A) excludes from the computation of time periods during which a natural disaster, war, State or national emergency, or other force majeure prevents the filing or hearing of a pre-election matter. That exception is necessarily confined to circumstances falling within its terms; it does not constitute a general power to extend the 14-day limitation period.

     

    The consequence is that the emergence of this new question does not necessarily mean that an aggrieved aspirant still has a live pre-election cause of action. Where the complained-of event occurred more than 14 days before the action was commenced, the constitutional limitation may already have extinguished the remedy. The real litigation may consequently shift from the substantive validity of the underlying act to the anterior questions of when the cause of action accrued, what precisely constitutes the event, decision or action complained of, and whether the proceedings fall within the constitutional definition of a pre-election matter.

    Nigeria’s electoral jurisprudence has already demonstrated that the nomination of candidates is one of the most heavily litigated stages of an election. The Supreme Court’s decision provides another statutory basis upon which an aspirant may challenge a party’s nomination process. The practical significance may be greater than the immediate dispute involving ZLP. A candidate who loses a primary may no longer have to confine the challenge to allegations of manipulation, exclusion or breach of the party constitution. The question may become whether the entire process complied with the Electoral Act. Section 77(7) deserves particular attention because its consequence goes beyond the validity of an internal party exercise. The provision concerns the eligibility of a party to sponsor a candidate where the statutory requirement relating to its membership register has not been satisfied. That gives the membership-register question potential consequences for the party’s participation in the election itself. For political parties, the practical consequence is that compliance cannot be left to assumption or delegated entirely to party officials who handled the earlier processes. Each party now needs to establish, from its own records, whether it has complied with the requirements the Supreme Court has restored.

    The first step should be an immediate audit of the party’s 2027 preparations. The audit should establish the membership register submitted to INEC, the date of submission, the register actually used for any congress or primary, the persons entitled to participate under the applicable register, the procedure adopted for nomination, and the documentary evidence supporting every stage of the process. Parties that cannot reconcile their internal records with the statutory requirements have a problem that should not be postponed until after candidates have emerged. In addition, Section 84(2) is equally consequential. Direct primaries and consensus are now the statutory routes for nomination. Political parties that  historically relied upon delegate-based indirect primaries must reconsider their procedures. A party constitution cannot be invoked as a substitute for compliance with a statutory provision that the Supreme Court has expressly upheld.

    There is also a larger institutional consequence. The judgment has settled, at least for now, the constitutional argument that these provisions unlawfully interfere with the independence of political parties. The Court of Appeal accepted that argument, while relying on the constitutional framework governing political parties. The Supreme Court has now rejected that position by restoring the statutory requirements. Political parties should therefore stop treating the controversy as a temporary legal set-back.

    The law has now been clarified. What remains uncertain is the fate of processes undertaken during the period in which the law itself was the subject of conflicting judicial pronouncements. This question will probably not end with this judgment. It may move from the Supreme Court’s constitutional determination to a series of disputes over particular primaries, congresses, registers and nominations. The parties that will be most exposed are those that assumed that the Court of Appeal’s July judgment had permanently removed the disputed provisions from the electoral landscape. It did not. The Supreme Court has restored them, and 2027 will now be contested not only at the polling booth but also over whether the parties themselves complied with the law before their candidates ever reached the ballot. Only the Federal High Court by virtue of Sections 29(1), 32 and 88(2) and (3) of the Electoral Act, 2026 can nullify the candidacies of candidates not validly nominated. Not INEC.

  • Nigeria Records West Africa’s First Tele-robotic Surgery

    Nigeria Records West Africa’s First Tele-robotic Surgery

    Precious Nwonu, Enugu

    Nigeria has recorded what the institutions involved described as West Africa’s first tele-robotic surgery, after surgeons remotely removed a cancerous kidney tumour from a patient in Abuja.

    The procedure was performed on Saturday through a collaboration between Redeemer’s Health Village (RHV), RoboMed Global and Nisa Premier Hospital.

    The operation involved a telesurgery-assisted robotic right radical nephrectomy, a procedure in which a diseased kidney affected by cancer is surgically removed.

    While the patient was at Nisa Premier Hospital in Abuja, Prof. Obi Ekwenna-Davis, a US-based Professor of Urology and Transplantation and co-founder of RoboMed Global, led the operation remotely from a Toumai robotic surgery console at RHV.

    Tele-robotic surgery enables surgeons to perform operations on patients from a different location by combining robotic surgical systems with telecommunications technology.

    Speaking after the operation, Ekwenna-Davis said the successful procedure demonstrated that specialised surgical care could be delivered remotely to patients in different parts of Nigeria and potentially beyond the country.

    “Distance should never decide who receives safe surgery; this is what safe and trusted surgery looks like,” he said.

    According to him, the operation lasted about three hours, with short pauses during the procedure to verify that the equipment and communication systems were functioning properly.

    He said the patient was in good condition after the surgery and was expected to be discharged within 24 hours.

    Ekwenna-Davis described the procedure as the first successful collaboration between two hospitals in different parts of Nigeria to deliver surgical care through telesurgery.

    He, however, stressed that sustaining the technology would require continuous training of medical professionals.

    He said a robotic academy would be established to train surgeons and other healthcare workers, with a target of training at least 150 surgeons within two years.

    According to him, the initiative has received support from the Minister of Health and other government institutions, while additional support from private organisations and non-governmental organisations would be required to expand the programme.

    The Chief Executive Officer of RHV, Dr Adedamola Dada, also described the procedure as West Africa’s first telesurgery, saying it demonstrated that Nigerians could gain access to advanced medical treatment without travelling abroad.

    “What has happened today is a demonstration that Nigerians can access modern healthcare without travelling abroad,” Dada said.

    He explained that RHV was established to promote medical innovation and provide advanced healthcare at affordable costs, adding that the initiative was aimed at demonstrating the possibilities of modern healthcare rather than being driven primarily by profit.

    Dada said the adoption of robotic surgery and telesurgery could contribute to reducing medical tourism by allowing complex procedures to be performed locally.

    He said RHV had taken steps to minimise the possibility of connectivity failures during remote operations, noting that reliable telecommunications networks, quality equipment and skilled personnel were essential to the success of telesurgery.

    The RHV chief executive disclosed that the hospital was working with RoboMed Global to establish a robotic academy that would train doctors, surgeons, nurses, biomedical engineers and product specialists.

    He also called on the Federal Government to support the training of Nigerian professionals in robotic surgery through scholarships and other forms of sponsorship.

    “My message to government is to support and sponsor Nigerians, the surgeons, the nurses, the biomedical engineers who would want to come and do this training here,” he said.

    Dada said such investment could ensure that within two to three years, Nigeria would have a larger pool of professionals capable of performing and supporting robotic surgery.

    The Chief Executive Officer and Founder of Nisa Premier Hospital, Dr Ibrahim Wada, said his facility had been involved in robotic surgery in West Africa since November 2025.

    Wada said the latest procedure demonstrated how collaboration between Nigerian healthcare institutions could expand access to specialist medical expertise.

    “Today, our patient received specialist surgical expertise from across the country without leaving Abuja. This is what becomes possible when Nigerian institutions decide to build together,” he said.

    Chairman of the RHV Board, Dr Kunle Onakoya, described the procedure as a historic development and urged those involved to recognise their contribution to advancing surgical care in Nigeria.

    RHV is a 300-bed faith-based multispecialty hospital established by the Redeemed Christian Church of God.

    Journalists at the RHV facility watched the remote operation live as it was performed on the patient at Nisa Premier Hospital in Abuja.

  • Peter Okoye Admits Receiving $800,000 in P-Square Royalties, Says Jude Got Nothing

    Precious Nwonu, Enugu

    Singer Peter Okoye, one half of the defunct music duo P-Square, has told the Federal High Court in Lagos that he received more than $800,000 in royalties from French music-rights organisation, SACEM, for the group’s musical works but did not give any portion of the money to his elder brother, Jude Okoye.

    Peter made the disclosure on Monday while testifying virtually before Justice Alexander Owoeye during cross-examination by Clement Onwuewunor, SAN, counsel to Jude.

    SACEM is a French professional organisation responsible for collecting and distributing royalties for songwriters, composers and music publishers.

    The testimony came during the ongoing trial of Jude Okoye and his company, Northside Music Limited, over allegations of fraud brought by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC.

    Jude and his company are facing a seven-count charge involving alleged fraud of about N1.3 billion and $1 million. He has pleaded not guilty to the charges.

    During the proceedings, Peter was questioned about royalty records relating to P-Square’s musical works and his earlier claim that Jude delayed in providing him with the group’s backend royalty records.

    Peter acknowledged that Jude eventually sent him royalty records covering the period between 2016 and 2022, including records connected to Lex Records.

    He explained that he had requested the records after some individuals expressed interest in acquiring the P-Square music catalogue.

    When confronted with the suggestion that the request for the records was made on October 16, 2022, and that Jude obtained and sent them six days later, Peter maintained that he had made an earlier request.

    However, when asked to provide an email, text message or other documentary evidence of the earlier request, Peter said he did not have any and could not recall one.

    The cross-examination subsequently shifted to royalties paid by SACEM for P-Square’s musical works.

    Peter confirmed that about 10 songs for which SACEM made payments were P-Square songs and acknowledged receiving approximately $800,000 in royalties between 2016 and 2026.

    When asked whether he gave Jude any portion of the money, Peter said he did not.

    He also confirmed that he did not inform Jude about the payments, explaining that **“the money was for the artistes.”**

    Peter maintained that the SACEM royalties belonged to him and his twin brother, Paul Okoye, who formed P-Square.

    He disputed Jude’s entitlement to the money, despite acknowledging that Jude had signed the SACEM agreement.

    According to Peter, Jude signed the agreement on behalf of “the team” and was not a member of P-Square.

    Peter told the court that he and Paul composed, wrote and produced the group’s songs, although he acknowledged that Jude directed some of P-Square’s music videos.

    He also admitted that he had previously paid Jude a quarter of his SACEM share but denied that his elder brother was entitled to continued quarterly payments after their reconciliation in 2022.

    On Jude’s role as P-Square’s manager, Peter said he had no personal employment contract with him, explaining that the management arrangement was through Northside Entertainment Limited.

    The latest testimony forms part of the evidence being presented in the financial dispute involving the Okoye brothers. The court is yet to determine the competing claims surrounding the ownership and distribution of the royalties.

    Further hearing in the case has been adjourned to December 8 and 9, 2026

  • A Brother Called Judas: Is Charles Soludo Cain?

    A Brother Called Judas: Is Charles Soludo Cain?

    By Festus Adedayo

    History records that the most fatal stabs always come from within oneself. In other words, there is a motif of proximity to stabs. Deepest wounds are often delivered, not by external rivals, but by those within the same household or friends.

    On September 22, 1828, the reality of his above dawned on the Zulu of present day South Africa. Afflicted by a strange psychosis that struck him after the death of Nandi, his mother, King Shaka Zulu went berserk. He ordered a year-long mourning of Nandi, forbade planting of new crops, banned milk from the kingdom and ordered the execution of pregnant women, as well as their husbands.

    How does the kingdom handle this? Shaka’s half-brothers, Dingane and Mhlangana, as well as his induna, (chief advisor/attendant) Mbopha, had immediate answers. As Shaka’s army embarked on a military expedition northwards, the conspirators saw a loophole. While Shaka slept at his royal kraal in kwaDukuza, the trio caught him off guard, stabbing him fatally with their spears. As he lay dead, Dingane seized the reign of the Zulu Kingdom.

    If that example is too alien, lost in the bowel of two centuries, let’s come home, to a contemporary example on the African continent. Thomas Sankara and Blaise Compaoré were what Yoruba call Kòrí-kòsùn — bosom, intimate and inseparable soulmates who shared an extremely close, deep bond. That bond was to later become one of the most famous real-life political fratricides on the continent. While Sankara was Head of State of Burkina Faso, he and Compaoré were not just ideological allies; they referred to each other as “brothers in arms.” In 1987, Compaoré orchestrated the fatal coup that got Sankara executed. He then took over power, while systematically legitimizing his regime by deconstructing Sankara’s revolutionary legacy.

    West African Mali empire epic griot recall themes of betrayal similar to the above. The epic goes thus: At the death of King Naré Maghan, his first wife, Sassouma Bereté and her son, Dankaran Touman, conspired against Sundiata Keita, Dankaran’s crippled half-brother. They did this out of envy and fear of Sundiata’s fame. An earlier prophecy had predicted Sundiata’s greatness. Both mother and son mocked Sundiata’s cripple state and then tried to eliminate him. The late King Maghan had in fact left a testament that the young, disabled Sundiata should take over the reign of the kingdom but Dankaran, who now usurped the throne, forced his crippled brother into exile.

    Balla Fasseké, Sundiata’s devoted griot and advisor, took sides with Sundiata, leading to his exile, too, by Dankaran. In exile, Sundiata waxed stronger while, on the throne, Dankaran appeared to the people as a weakling. Then, when Soumaoro Kanté, Dankaran’s sorcerer, invaded Mande, out of fear, Dankaran fled. The void of a vacant monarchy led the Mande to send emissaries to Sundiata who, in a triumphant return, eventually became the king.

    In both ancient and contemporary times, there is a huge literature of brothers stabbing brothers. From the biblical Cain killing his brother, Abel, out of jealousy of divine prosperity; to Julius Caesar being stabbed by his friend, Brutus, the literature drips of blood. Among the Igbo, there is a recurring motif of two brothers hunting or traveling together. One, the less-acclaimed/jealous brother plots to kill the other, so as to claim the crown or inheritance. Also in Igbo cosmology, extracting personal gains from one’s kinsman (Nwanne) at the expense of his life or well being, for personal gain, is considered a severe cultural transgression. Chinua Achebe’s literature is filled with such thematic warnings. He built a cultural archetype about fratricide as capable of breaking the fabric of Igbo community.

    Again, traditional Igbo sees any attempt at breaking Umunna (kinship) values as cultural transgression. It questions the morality of exposing and externalizing home-front disputes as tantamount to handing over one’s kinsman to external political adversaries.

    From whichever lens you may look at it, though framed as fiscal transparency and Anambra State governor, Prof Charles Soludo, claimed he was “setting the records straight” by releasing his Anambra brother, Peter Obi’s alleged debt claims, what he did was actually Brutus stabbing Caesar, simplicita. It is fratricide disguised as governance audit. After he stabbed Caesar, Brutus’ defence, too, just like Soludo’s, was that it was done out of duty to the Roman state.

    The above stab is also a replica of what happened between joint Roman Emperors and biological brothers, Caracalla and Geta. It is one of Roman antiquity’s most brutal accounts of sibling rivalry. It is dubbed the story of political fratricide and paranoia. Both brothers were born only eleven months apart. Their parents were Emperor Septimius Severus and Empress Julia Domna. Both brothers grew up in the palace with mutual childhood hatred, up until their adulthood.

    A contemporary historian, Cassius Dio, recorded that both men serially clashed over sports, music, and social circles. Their father, in his bid to stabilize his dynasty, made them co-emperors. History recorded that while Caracalla was emperor in 198 AD, Geta was in 209 AD. In 211 AD, as he lay dying on his deathbed in Eboracum, modern York, Severus’ famous advice to his sons was, “Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and scorn all other men.”

    On the throne, however, the hostility of the brothers paralyzed Roman governance. They then mutually divided the imperial palace into two. To avoid being poisoned, they fortified their doors with bodyguards and employed food-tasters. They even attempted to divide the Roman empire into two, a plan that was thwarted by their mother who tearfully asked if they wanted to divide her body, too. In December 211 AD, Caracalla decided to eliminate his brother. He arranged a fake reconciliation for their mother’s apartment, a place that would raise no suspicion and make Geta feel safe. There, Caracalla’s guards pounced on Geta and, as he fled to their mother’s bosom, clinging to her neck, he was stabbed to death nevertheless.

    After killing him, Caracalla ordered what was called condemnation memory – a damnatio memoriae – which removed his brother’s name from every inscription in Rome, including his images. Any contrary effort, he decreed, was an offence against the Roman State. He also executed about 20,000 of Geta’s palace staff, supporters, friends, and political allies all over Rome.

    What Soludo did last week in Anambra State is comparable to damnatio memoriae. Just as Brutus stabbed Caesar under the guise of “doing it for the republic” and administrative duty, on the on-going loan brouhaha, Soludo is Brutus and Caracalla rolled into one. Through Dr Law Mefor, his Commissioner for Information, Soludo disclaimed Obi’s self portrayal as loans-repellant during his time as Anambra State governor. Mefor, in a statement, said Obi left unpaid loans from eight different external borrowings, the total balance of which, at the official exchange rate, stood at N127.4 billion.

    To me, the veracity or otherwise of both men’s claims on the loans is secondary. My questions to Soludo are: Since the man he claimed is his “good friend” — for whose sake he is stabbing his Nwanne –left office in 2007, has Soludo ever heard a word of the humongous broad daylight theft done on that friend’s behalf in his home turf? Has Soludo ever since then heard successors of his “good friend” talk about the loans he took while in office? Does he know that putting a shroud on his “friend’s” dirty linen was done in the spirit of their own brand of Umunna?

    My concluding question to Charles Soludo will then be — is this newfound “Et tu, Brute?” spirit of his, which propelled the stabbing of his Nwanne — a result of an ambition to be president of Nigeria after his Anambra tenure, or, is Charles naturally a grumpy Cain and a betrayer Judas, who sold his predecessor for 30 pieces of shekels?