Tag: 2027

  • 2027: Atiku, El-Rufai, others pick new All Democratic Alliance party for coalition, writes INEC for registration

    2027: Atiku, El-Rufai, others pick new All Democratic Alliance party for coalition, writes INEC for registration

    Opposition leaders under the banner of the Nigeria National Coalition Group (NNCG) have adopted the All Democratic Alliance (ADA) as the platform to use in tackling the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2027.

    NNCG has also formally applied to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to register as a party ahead of the next general elections. The coalition’s application letter addressed to INEC chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, and dated June 19, was co-signed by the National Chairman of ADA, Chief Akin Ricketts and Protem National Secretary, Abdullahi Musa Elayo.

    The letter which was stamped received by the office of the INEC chairman on June 20, 2025, was titled: “Application for registration as a political party” with ADA name and flag.

    “We respectfully write to the Independent National Electoral Commission requesting the registration of our association, the All Democratic Alliance as a political party.

    “This is sequel to the decision taken by the Nigerian National Coalition Group to sponsor our association for full registration.

    “The name of the party shall be All Democratic Alliance with ADA as our acronym and ‘Justice for All’ as our slogan.

    “The National Secretariat of the party is as stated at the bottom of the association’s letterhead used in this application.

    “We have also herewith attached our logo describing in details the symbolism of our party colours and the their configuration and the corn (Maize).

    “We have further attached our manifesto encompassing details of our party ideology, and our constitution providing the legal framework that defines our identity, structures and organization, regulates our affairs and guides our actions in alignment with Section 40 and 222 of the Constitution, Section 75 of the Electoral Act (2022) and global democratic principles and objectives.

    “Please find attached the following documents: our party flag depicting our name, acronym and slogan, manifesto, constitution and minutes of meeting.

    “While we eagerly await further action from the commission on the next step forward towards attaining our desired goal, please accept the consideration of our highest respect. Thank you yours most sincerely; Chief Akin A. Rickets, Protem National Chairman,” the letter read.

    Members of the coalition include: Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar; ex-Rivers State governor, Rotimi Amaechi; his Kaduna State counterpart, Nasir El-Rufai; the convener of the League of Northern Democrats, Dr. Umar Ardo, and former Senate President David Mark, among others.

    The group had considered joining an existing political party which saw the African Democratic Congress (ADC), and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) being earlier considered.

    The coalition later set up a committee to consider the option of registering a new platform where all members will start on equal footing in terms of membership.
    This was after several members of the coalition expressed concerns over the internal wrangling within existing parties, which in some cases led to litigation. Daily Trust

  • Presidency Dismisses Tinubu-Shettima Rift, Says Tinubu Will Pick 2027 Running Mate After APC Convention

    Presidency Dismisses Tinubu-Shettima Rift, Says Tinubu Will Pick 2027 Running Mate After APC Convention

    Special adviser to President Bola Tinubu on information and strategy, Bayo Onanuga, says the president will select his running mate for the 2027 election only after the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) holds its next national convention.

    Onanuga made the clarification during an interview, amid growing controversy over perceived sidelining of Vice-President Kashim Shettima during a recent APC stakeholders’ summit in Gombe. The event, which saw several speakers endorse Tinubu for a second term without any mention of Shettima, ended in chaos as some delegates protested with catcalls and threats of violence.

    Responding to questions about the silence from the presidency and rumours of a potential fallout between Tinubu and Shettima, Onanuga described the speculation as baseless.

    “The debate is a non-issue,” he said. “In a presidential system, the candidate is nominated first and later picks a running mate. That’s what happened under Buhari — he was nominated first and later picked his running mate. You don’t do both at once.”

    He explained that the timing of the selection would follow the release of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)’s timetable: “Once INEC releases the timetable, the party convention will hold, and if the president is nominated again, he will choose his running mate.”

    Onanuga also dismissed claims of a strained relationship between Tinubu and Shettima, insisting the two leaders have a strong working rapport.

    “I’m not aware of any issues between the president and the vice president. From what I know, they have an excellent working relationship. All the speculation is just beer parlour gossip,” he said.

    “People even say ridiculous things like Seyi Tinubu is the vice president. Absolute nonsense.”

    He noted that in Nigeria, rumours often surround those in deputy positions, whether at the state or federal level: “Even when there’s no conflict, people around them will concoct stories. But as far as I know, Tinubu and Shettima work together very well.”

    Reacting to suggestions that Tinubu’s track record as Lagos State governor — during which he had two deputies — could be a sign of future changes, Onanuga cautioned against drawing false parallels.

    “That’s just speculation. Yes, when he was governor, there were issues. In his first term, he and his deputy, Kofo, didn’t get along, and she had to leave. Femi Pedro replaced her. In the second term, he retained Pedro, but Pedro later defected — he wanted to be governor. That’s why he had to go,” he explained.

    “I don’t want to reopen old wounds, but that’s what happened. So, it’s wrong to say he has a pattern of discarding deputies. There were specific political circumstances each time. That’s what I’m explaining.” Arise News

  • How Enugu PDP is Gaining Strength Through Edeoga’s Return

    How Enugu PDP is Gaining Strength Through Edeoga’s Return

    By Sebastine Chukwuebuka Okafor

    When the former Gubernatorial candidate of the Labour Party, Barr. Jonathan Chijioke Edeoga left the Labour party to rejoin the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, a lot were said about such move both from his supporters, close allies, political foes, opposition party leaders and their members amongst others.

    In all these postulations, analysis and questions, one crucial aspect was whether it was a right or wrong move and also whether he actually defected with anybody. There were lots of write-ups saying that he was alone and thus, does not have any political will to effect changes in the PDP. The people making these comments are neither PDP members nor leaders of the party but people who are political bats with no place to lay hands on.

    Immediately Edeoga defected from the Labour Party, he collapsed the party and exposed their weaknesses. He delivered Enugu State House of Assembly to PDP and ensured that their majority numbers increased. First, his State House of Assembly member, Hon. Eberechi Ezeh joined him together with the State House of Assembly candidates of the party in Nkanu West Local Government Area, Awgu North and South, Aninri, as well as Hon. Engr. George Ugwu from Ugwogo Nike who was the former spokesman of the LP’s gubernatorial campaign. He then went to Enugu North Senatorial Zone being his stronghold and annihilated the party with the defection of Hon. Dennis Agbo, the federal lawmaker representing Igboeze North and Udenu Federal Constituency who entered with his teaming grassroots supporters, same with his colleague, Hon. Mark Chidi Obetta, who represents Nsukka – Igboeze South Federal Constituency. He also followed that up with the defection of Hon. Emeka Mamah, Hon. Malachy Okey Onyechi, Nsukka West State Assembly member, Hon  Titus Odoh amongst others.

    Recall that prior to Edeoga’s defection, the APC was very confident of receiving the entrants of these people to an extent that the chairman of their Governors Forum, Chief Hope Uzodimma, announced that they were joining the party in a few weeks time. So, as soon as all these defections from LP to PDP started to happen, it became clearer to other objective members of the party to look for a better platform and they began to join APC, because of some reasons best known to them. This leaves Labour Party with only 3 State House of Assembly members and 2 Senators who are, arguably, not also recognized by the party in both the state and national level, which has left them to be in motion waiting for a coalition that may never take place. It is very clear they will either join PDP or APC because the LP has made them persona non grata to the party.

    Whether you are reading this objectively or with sentiments, Edeoga’s defection has eliminated the Labour Party in Enugu State, creating a political vacuum that the PDP quickly filled with strategic placements and strengthened structures. His tactical maneuver not only destabilized the LP but also sent a strong message to both his supporters and critics that politics is not driven by empty propaganda but by calculated moves and influence. Those who doubted his capacity have been left speechless, while those who stayed close are already reaping the dividends of alignment with a reinvigorated PDP.

    One thing that cannot be denied is that Barr. Edeoga understands the political terrain of Enugu State more than many of his peers. His movement was not one born out of desperation, but a well-thought-out plan to reposition his people and allies in the centre of decision-making. The LP, once seen as a third force, is now left fragmented, disoriented, and directionless. While some of its vocal social media handlers still try to give the illusion of relevance, the ground reality paints a picture of a party that is gasping for breath. It has no viable structure, no rallying point, and certainly no leadership cohesion.

    Moreover, the ripples of Edeoga’s defection did not only resonate in Enugu North but across the entire political spectrum of the state. Even in places like Enugu East and Enugu West Senatorial Zones, Labour Party’s influence has fizzled out with most of their local leaders either defecting silently or sitting idle without clear directives. The PDP, on the other hand, has seized this opportunity to consolidate its grassroots strength, making sure that the gap left behind by the LP is sealed with responsive and strategic mobilization. If elections were held today, it is not hard to predict that Labour Party would not only perform poorly but might struggle to field serious candidates in many localities.

    However, the party is still a better option in the state than APC if it can reorganize itself and settle its internal crisis because those defecting to APC are largely driven by personal interests, opportunism, and the illusion of federal alignment rather than genuine ideological commitment. Many of these defectors have no grassroots followership and are merely seeking political survival. If the Labour Party can rise from its current disarray, rebuild its structures, reconnect with the masses that once gave it overwhelming support, and present credible candidates, it stands a chance of reclaiming its lost ground.

    What the party needs now is a sincere, selfless, and strategic leadership, a leadership that will move beyond social media noise and engage the real voters on the streets, in the markets, in the churches, and in the villages. The energy of the Obidient movement that once shook the foundations of the old order in Enugu State is not dead; it is simply dormant and disillusioned. With proper reorientation, reconciliation, and grassroots engagement, the Labour Party can revive its vision and reassert itself as the true alternative voice in the state’s political discourse. The journey may be tough, but it is far from impossible.

  • The PDP should be embarrassed that Wike is still its member – Prof. Okey Ikechukwu

    The PDP should be embarrassed that Wike is still its member – Prof. Okey Ikechukwu

    The Executive Director of Development Specs Academy, Okey Ikechukwu, has said that the PDP should be embarrassed that the former governor of Rivers State and Minister of FCT, Nyesom Wike is still a member, given his alleged anti-party activities.

    Ikechukwu, who spoke on Channels Television’s The Morning Brief, however added that the former Rivers State governor remains a political asset.

    Ikechukwu said, “Wike, whether you like him a not, you must ask yourself: is this man a fool? The answer is no. Does he know what he is doing? Maybe. Can you disregard him? The answer is no. It is the PDP that should be embarrassed that Wike is still a member, given all that he has done and all that he’s doing.

    “It’s the PDP that should be embarrassed that it has not been able to manage such a man because Wike will be a political asset to anybody he works for. For those he is working for now, he is a political asset. But to allow him to bestride both lanes and be doing 160 kilometers per hour shows there is nobody controlling the traffic.

    “The PDP, with all due respect to the distinguished people in that party, is making itself look more ridiculous, not every day but every hour as the next hour comes. They should stop kidding themselves.”

    He slammed the opposition Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) for failing to manage its internal crises.

    The policy analyst said, “The PDP, a very robust party, a party which, during the days of (former President) Obasanjo, Audu Ogbe, and even Atiku (Abubakar) ran impressive campaigns. You had, I think, in 2003, three campaign teams. Today, it has shrunk into a whimpering collection of confounded men and women who are pretending to have a political party.

    “What else does the PDP do today other than talk about its quarrels? Well, occasionally, it makes press releases attacking the APC, thinking that that is political opposition.”

    According to him, the opposition to President Bola Tinubu’s administration is activists, civil society groups, concerned commentators, and elder statesmen who speak on national issues.

    “The whole point of opposition is that you present a profile that will make you attractive to the next person, that will make somebody say to themselves, ‘No, no, no, I need this man to replace this other guy; they don’t know what they are doing.’

    “Please, tell me what makes the PDP attractive today. Internally, it is in total disarray,” he added.

    The professor said that the party’s current preparations for the 2027 general elections, amid the internal crises, do not show that it will perform better at the polls, except it manages the problems.

    “So, in the next election, it will participate but it will not contest; it sounds contradictory.

    “You are taking part in an event but your preparation is such that we know that you are going to get there and get beaten thoroughly and carried out on a stretcher, except a dramatic reconfiguration occurs within that party, with clear attention to the need to modify the optics of people you see in the party,” he said.

  • Obi: The Political Change Agent – Book Review By Oseloka Obaze

    Obi: The Political Change Agent – Book Review By Oseloka Obaze

    Obi: The Political Change Agent

    The story of the man who changed the face of electioneering in Nigeria

    ***********

    A Review by Mr Oseloka H. Obaze

    At the NAF Center Kado, Abuja FCT, Monday 10th June, 2025

    [Protocols]

    As conventional wisdom admonish us, “never judge a book by its cover.” But we are also told that “There is no friend as loyal as a book.” My favorite quote on books is the one by Jeanette Winterson, which says “Books and doors are the same thing. You open them, and you go through into another world.”  I sincerely hope that today we will present a book, which will serve as an open door to closed minds.

    By June 2025 – a span of three years from May 2022 – when Peter Obi became the presidential candidate of the Labour Party, no less than fifteen books have been published on his foray into Nigeria’s political space. Many observers consider that three-year span as a redefining era in Nigeria’s electioneering and partisan politics.

    The book being presented today, Obi: The Political Change Agent -The story of the man, who changed the face of electioneering in Nigeria, is yet another brick in the wall of a fast growing historical record on Peter Obi’s brand of politics.

    As the book’s title suggests, Peter Obi is by every adjectival qualification, a political change agent in Nigerian politics.  He is also an adroit competitor, in a marathon race that is far from over. So this literary work is about Peter Obi; but in the context of Nigeria, it is about the unheralded rise of Obidient Movement phenomenon between 2022 and now.  It is also about an unfinished business of nation-building, and renewal, and ultimately, a preface to the inevitability of a New Nigeria.

    The core value and potency of this book, is that is written from an insider’s perspective. Ike Abonyi, my friend and the author, has done a yeoman’s job. With a keen sense and eyes for details, he has done what adroit researchers and veteran journalists do best; render credible account of seminal events without embellishments.

    If per chance, you do not intend to read this book immediately, I will advise you to read the foreword by my brother, Dele Farotimi, in order to get the gist of this work.  Characteristically, Mr. Farotimi did a positively magisterial job, with some four hundred insightful words. He concluded with his non-hesitant recommendation of the book, “to scholars of Nigerian politics, elections and society.”

    According to Farotimi, “Obi represents an anomaly in Nigeria’s political landscape; a politician who genuinely desires to work for the betterment of society…Peter Obi is a politician unlike any other in Nigeria.  Ike Abonyi’s work looked at the campaign and organic growth of the Obidient Movement and how Peter Obi’s candidacy has rewritten the manual for future aspirants to public office.”  To that very candid summation, I will only add that any book about an enigmatic personality or an icon is worth reading and owing.

    For the sake of brevity and convenience, I am minded to dispense with the formality of the book’s nomenclature, before delving further into its substance and flourish.

    The book, Obi: the Political Change Agent consists of 252-pages, and twenty-six stand-alone compact chapters. Each chapter, adapted from original real-time op-eds and essays, details Peter Obi’s odyssey from the juncture when he ventured into Nigeria’s political setting, through his uncharted trajectory to becoming the Labour Party 2023 presidential candidate on 30th May, 2022 and thereafter.

    I’ve only offered a synopsis of the structure of the book, to get the full gist or chapter-by-chapter narration, please purchase a copy of the book. Now to the historical flourish of the work.

     

    ***********

    Chapter 1 is essentially a backdrop, and the condensed story of Nigeria’s return to participatory democracy, from 1999 to date.

    Chapter 2, x-rays the man Peter Obi, and captures his essence and bonafides via his abridged official biography.

    Chapter 3 is revelatory. It documents that fortuitous but life-changing encounter that took Obi into politics. It narrates how Peter Obi’s encounter with Professor Donald Jacob, the Dean of the Kellogg School of Management in the USA, altered his views on politics. Ultimately, the unforeseen outcome of that six-week executive course was his decision to go into politics. It’s a thought-provoking story.

    Chapters 4 and 5 encapsulate the Ojukwu and APGA factors; as well the Anambra governance revolution. Obi’s and sojourn in Anambra was not without its vagaries, but would have been utterly impossible without the overwhelming influence of the iconic Igbo leader, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, who was the leader of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

    Chapter 6 and 7 surveys Obi’s Journey to the center and Obi’s political dalliance with the PDP.  This chapter speaks to Obi’s political movement from the state to the federal level after his successful tenure as Governor of Anambra State. The narration segues into the political leap that made him the running mate to Atiku Abubakar in the 2019 presidential election.

    Chapter 8 and 9 is a periscope of how Obi’s 2023 Presidential Journey begins and landed him in the Labour Party. It chronicles Obi’s encounter with the vicissitudes of Nigeria’s rotational national politics, unkept promises and his eventual divorce from PDP. The factors at play were mot mere imponderables as much as they were a manifestation of human foibles, political machinations and shortsightedness.

    Chapter 10 is about the birthing of the Obidient Movement. The chapter chronicles the emergence of the Obidient Movement in the nation’s political trajectory and how it impacted greatly on the polity during the 2023 electioneering.

    Chapters 11 narrate the already well-documented 2023 election intrigues by the INEC and the ultimate Judiciary ambush. This is one of the longest chapters in the book for obvious reasons; it captured all the election intrigues, the preparations from voter registration to election proper and the post-election drama.

    Chapter 12 is about ‘The Media and the Obi’s Politics.’ This chapter captures media involvement in Obi’s Presidential ambition and how the social and mainstream media played some significant roles in Obi’s politics. Some believed that Obi was a media hype that would fade away with time. They were wrong.

    Chapter 13, narrate the well-known folktale of Peter Obi’s “Madman” friend, affirming ultimately, that ‘all politics is local’. During his Presidential campaigns, Peter Obi frequently recalled how in his quest for adaptive leadership, he opened himself to learning from everybody. In that context, he often recalled how during his tenure as Governor of Anambra State, he got one of the best advices that helped him tackle very naughty security issues from a “madman.” The author corroborates the seemingly bizarre story, by seeking and finding the “madman.”

    Chapter 14 captioned ‘Anatomizing The Peter Obi Character’ offers an insight into varying perceptions of Peter Obi’s persona; Such perceptions are mixed and complex. Some people saw Obi is a stingy and difficult man to deal with, but to others, he is the prudent man, who detests corruption and extravagant living. To some, he was a quiet philanthropist. This chapter looks at his personality from these contrasting and eclectic perspectives.

    Chapter 15 is the author’s published rendition of Obi’s experience during his brief sojourn in PDP. He facetiously asked: “Obi in PDP; was a Celibate in the Whorehouse?” He surmised how Obi’s clean character and credentials meant nothing to some of the PDP leaders who were bent on frustrating him. This narration validates Obi’s frequently uttered contention that any foray into Nigerian politics was an entanglement with “pimps and prostitutes, not priests and nuns.”

    Chapter 16 and 17 titled ‘A Political Phenomenon Called Peter Obi,” is also another published op-ed by the author capturing the enigma in Peter Obi’s politics. The chapter segues to an analysis of ‘LP’s Obi and the Involuntary Campaigners.’ This article talks about how Obi campaigners emerged involuntarily after hearing his disarming messages on how to create a new Nigeria, with his “Go and verify” and “consumption to production” and “a New Nigeria is Possible” Mantras.

    Chapter 18 & 19 are respectively titled “How Obi-phobics Chased the Wind” and “As Campaigns Flag off, it’s Obi…kererenke.”  These chapter mirrors and juxtaposes the twin developments of dislike and, like, hate and love, ignominy and fervor Obi candidacy elicited nationally. It synoptically captures the futility of the quest by Obi’s political traducers, who embarked on a massive search for something negative about him, but failed woefully. On the flip side was the fervent mob like national support during the same period as Obi’s campaign flagged off, to endless chants of ‘Obi…kererenke’. Rather than the unfolding of scandals, that zeal would eventually transform into the electrifying campaign mood that was replete with various campaign songs and slogans that dominated the political space.

    Chapter 20: captioned “OBI’s quest for Justice and Repetition of History,” recalls how Obi has always been treated unjustly since he entered politics and how he has continued to seek Justice undauntedly via legal redress.

    Chapter 21 tackles the very sensitive issue of ethnified politics and the costs and challenges of being Igbo impacted Obi’s and candidacy. It further explores how that negative narrative was used derogatorily to douse Obi’s potentials.

    Chapter 22 highlights the use of political trolling and fake news to demarket Obi. One such instance was the allegation that as governor, “Obi demolished Mosques.” This chapter captures endless calumny, some blatantly religious against Peter Obi during the campaigns. But as it turned out he actually built a mosque and had fantastic relationships with Muslims in his state during and after leaving office.

    Chapter 23 captioned “Peter Obi, the Opposition’s Talking Drum,” documents Obi’s involuntary post-election role after being manipulated out of the presidency in the 2023 polls.  The intention, as the author averred was to frustrate Obi and force him to quit the political stage. Instead, Obi chose to keep playing a proactive role from the opposition desk, becoming as it were the opposition’s vanguard. It was not to be an easy task; but Obi has remained undaunted.

    Chapter 24 is captioned “Can the Labour Party Go Far Without the Obidients?” The chapter grapples with the evidential hesitance of the Labour Party leadership to fully embrace the efforts of the Obidients Movement by bringing its structure in its fold. It wonders what will become of the Labour Party without the Obidient Movement and Peter Obi and his numerous supporters. The answer as the famous song says: ‘Is blowing in the wind.”

    Chapter 25 is titled “In Whose Interest Is Soyinka’s Obidient-Phobia?” Nigeria’s literature icon, Nobel laureate Professor Wole Soyinka, known for his progressive position on issues, has strangely been at the forefront in the campaign against Peter Obi and the Obidients. This chapter examines what may have caused his shocking position and volte face.

    Chapter 26: “Obi on Marble” is a glossary of some of the many quotable quotes of Peter Obi. Most of these became the political refrain for his legion of followers. Their inclusion aligns well with historical records, for which the book is meat to amplify.

    ***********

    If this book offers one unique essence, it is that in politics and governance, we must continue to use history in our decision making. The utility of history remains ever pertinent. As such, any book such as this, which offers a glimpse into history in the making, ultimately adds value to our politics, our history and our decision-making processes.

    In the 25 years of uninterrupted democracy in Nigeria, six consecutive presidential elections were held in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015, and 2023. The 2023 elections perhaps, stand out the most. It was a redefining moment. Like most presidential elections –except that of 2015 – the 2023 elections ended up in litigation and was eventually decided; by the Supreme Court.

    In 2023, Nigerian youths, were sufficiently incentivized to play a role in politics. Peter Obi was the catalyst to that foray. It was he who instigated, exhorted and encouraged Nigeria youths to “take back their country”. Even though the outcome of the 2023 election fell far short of expectations in reflecting the desire of Nigeria voters, the unprecedented landmark electoral awareness remains memorable.  This huge change in our electioneering mindset and modalities will forever be attributable to one political character; Mr Peter Obi the former Governor of Anambra State, and the 2023 Presidential flag bearer of the Labour Party.

    Unwittingly, Obi’s unheralded presidential candidacy –in and by itself, an instrument of soft power- gave Nigeria’s electioneering process a new image, impetus and colouration; focusing as it were on issues designed to turn the country away from her dysfunctional economic fixation of “consumption” and channel that inclination to “production.”

    His issues-based campaign had focused on poverty alleviation, economic growth, job creation, educational reform, efficient healthcare delivery, and anti-corruption mode and mindset. His advocacy for broad policy shifts, enjoyed unprecedented support from many discerning minds and gained significant support among young Nigerians, who saw him as a fresh face and an alternative to the traditional selfish and corrupt political elite. Indeed, Obi even made cutting cost of governance sexy and attractive.

    But trying to dislodge the entrenched system was never going to be a walk in the park. Peter Obi was aware of this and so too, were his followers. Thus Obi faced stiff competition from established political parties, candidates, and critics, who initially took him for granted and questioned his ability to win a national election. Indeed, a ranking politician had characterized Peter Obi and the Obidients as largely “effervescent” – a phenomena that would blow away with time. He was wrong. He had since changed his mind and said so publicly.

    Despite the challenges he encountered, Obi’s candidacy generated significant interest and enthusiasm, particularly among Nigerians seeking real change. And despite the fervour and commitment, the eventual outcome of the 2023 presidential elections was not what Nigerians hoped for; but the outcome was also not totality unexpected.  Like most of the prior presidential elections, the Courts would eventually decide who became president, regardless of public opinion and the electoral evidence presented.  This proved the cliché that “the law is an ass.”

    As the author rightly surmised, the political fervour ignited by Obi is still flaming. Nigerian youths appear through Obi’s prompting to have discovered their potential and are not letting go. Consequently, Nigerian youths are now at the center of a struggle to reset Nigeria under the Obidient Movement that has become the platform for the inevitable discovery of a New Nigeria.

    ‘Obi: The Political Change Agent’ the story of the man who changed the face of electioneering in Nigeria, is politically enriching as it captures the historical background of our democratic struggle and offers various insightful perspectives on the different administrations since 1999. This work is a well-researched by an experienced journalist who has been part of Nigeria’s political trajectories. The book captures profusely our contemporary political journey for 25 years with all its vagaries, upheavals and proclivities.

    Written in very easy-to-read prose and elegant language, I find this book very enriching for any inquisitive mind; and for anyone who desires to know more about Nigeria’s uninterrupted two and half decades of the democratic journey. It offers unvarnished insight into how the issues-driven campaign messages by Peter Obi helped to revolutionize and compel Nigerian youths to discover themselves and prepare for the inevitable and proactive role they must play in nation-building. For Nigerian youth’s Peter Obi’s “take back your country” was not just a slogan, it was a clarion call that resonates till this day.

    Political campaign books are usually about train wrecks and triumphs. Most are about introspection and retrospective reconstructing of issues that mattered or played out. Obi: The Political Change Agent is none of these. It is straightforward recording of events as they happened.

    Oftentimes, political campaign books, historical books and memoirs are richer because they include or reveal snippets of undisclosed confidential discussions or events. From my vantage point as a 2023 presidential campaign insider; perhaps two yet undocumented remarks relative to the 2023 elections remain vital.  While visiting Kaduna on 17th October 2022, Sheik Ahmed Abubakar Gumi told Peter Obi, “Even if you don’t win, beyond the 2023 elections don’t let the Movement you have started to end”(p237). I believe Gumi was speaking of the Obidient Movement. He may be clairvoyant.

    The second was what President Muhammadu Buhari told Peter Obi on 22 October 2022: “From what I read in the newspapers, Nigerians, especially the Nigerian media like you. You may not win this particular election, but age is on your side. I tried four times before I finally won.”  I’m certain both messages have stayed with Peter Obi. Both, I believe, will instinctively undergird the inevitability of a New Nigeria that is Possible.

    If this book has any shortcoming, it is not out of dereliction or inattention. Besides the protagonist, the book does not hap on the role of other key campaign dramatis persona. It does not for instance delve deeply into how the choice of Labour Party over the Social Democratic Party was made, or how the Vice-Presidential Candidate was selected over the other possible and probable candidates.

    Finally, I recommend this book for academic work, politics, and leisure reading; and to political party managers. This book will be an integral part of any serious library and an invaluable reference material for anyone sufficiently passionate about political and governance reforms Nigeria.

    I thank you all for your kind attention.

  • 2027 and the Opposition’s Test

    2027 and the Opposition’s Test

    By Abdul Mahmud 

    A few days ago, opposition leaders gathered in Abuja. They called it a national political summit. Their mission was clear: to take back political power in 2027. In speeches laced with urgency and ambition, they signaled the start of a political war to win the hearts of the electorates. At the heart of this new resolve is the burning question: can the opposition really defeat Bola Tinubu’s ruling APC? On the surface, the resolve looks like a noble dream, and the mere push of love for power. But, dreams alone don’t win elections; or as my friend, Ayisha Osori, puts it more poignantly in her book, ‘Love Does Not Win Elections’. Power doesn’t fall into laps. It is taken through strategy, sacrifices, and unity. The opposition coalition must face the uncomfortable truths. They must ask themselves: are we truly ready? Or we are merely taking the citizens who are desperate to escape Tinubu’s nightmare for the ride?

    Right now, the opposition space is fragmented. The PDP, the biggest opposition party, is a shadow of its former self. Its governors bicker in public. Others inside it wear the party’s colours on their sleeves, yet their hearts beat the drums of power inside the ruling party where their personal selfish interests whisper louder than party loyalty and allegiance. Its presidential candidate in the 2023 election appears not to have a foothold on the party. The Labour Party, once the surprise of the last election, is struggling with identity and cohesion. Peter Obi remains popular, but his party lacks depth. Enter Sowore who has consistently presented himself as an insurgent at the gates of neoliberal power; and whose party, the African Action Congress, AAC , conflates radical struggles with petit bourgeois liberalism, and with ill-fitting rhetoric. In seeking to marry the fire of radicalism with bourgeois politics, Sowore mistakes the fact that he is operating within a bourgeois neoliberal political order for a radical political environment, with the presence of revolutionary conditions. He has to operate inside the coalition, posing an objective modernity that is rooted in emancipatory politics or what the British sociologist, Anthony Giddens, describes as “engagements concerned with the liberation from inequality”. Though, internal rifts and ego battles often threaten to reduce opposition coalition to a personal cult rather than a national political force organising for power, how the opposition coalition deals with the rifts over personal ambitions matters in aggregating unity within itself.

    There is a fundamental truth that I must lay bare here – one so central that it ought to serve as the rallying cry for all aggrieved citizens: that within the opposition coalition lies the last viable platform upon which their collective aspirations can be realised. It is not merely a political alignment, but a covenant of common purpose, the big tent under which the dispossessed, the disillusioned, and the determined can find both voice and vision. The orchestrated gale of defections, engineered from the commanding heights of power in our country, has done more than disrupt party lines; it has helped drain the political swamp, clarifying the landscape into a vivid binary: on one side, those content to watch the nation stagger deeper into the mire of misery and ruin; on the other, those resolved to staunch the bleeding and set the republic on the path of recovery and rebirth. This is no longer a matter of mere politics; it is a moral referendum. A battle between light and darkness, justice and impunity, hope and despair. The choice is stark, and the hour is upon us. I am in that hour and have chosen to be on the side of the opposition coalition.

    But, there is this familiar story worth retelling here that the opposition coalition can learn from elsewhere. One that mirrors the fate of Cambodia’s now-defunct opposition. In Cambodia, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, CPP, led by Hun Sen, waged a quiet and effective war of attrition. It didn’t need to defeat the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) at the polls. It simply dismantled it. First, by using the courts to de-legitimise it. Then by orchestrating defections and stripping the party of its core. In 2017, the CNRP was dissolved by the Supreme Court. By then, its leaders were in exile or in prison. The party was gone. And so was any real challenge to Hun Sen’s rule. The opposition faces a similar threat. A sinister ministerial order to ‘close the shop’ dangles like a noose around the neck of the PDP, whose national secretariat in Abuja now sits under lock and key – sealed off for alleged non-payment of ground rent. Yet, beneath this ministerial veil of legalism lies the darker pretext: a crude attempt to slam-dunk the party out of existence, not through the ballot, but through the backdoor of state power wielded as vendetta. Also, APC is slowly drawing away influential voices. Defections are gathering momentum. Every defection erodes credibility. It tells voters that the opposition cannot protect or reward loyalty. And as it stands, neither PDP nor Labour has a coherent strategy to prevent further haemorrhage.

    But, defections are just one part of the challenge. The larger problem lies in the opposition’s inability to define itself. What does it stand for? Why should our citizens trust it? Removing Tinubu is not a vision. Citizens want to know what comes after. They want to know how the opposition coalition will end hunger, grow jobs, rebuild institutions, secure lives and secure their country. It is this clarity that is still missing. Though it isn’t late yet to pose and give clarity to all of this.

    The contrast with Senegal is instructive. In 2024, the Senegalese opposition did what many believed was impossible. It defeated the ruling elite and produced the country’s youngest president. This wasn’t luck. It was the result of years of tireless grassroots organising, unity, and ideological clarity. Even when their main figure, Ousmane Sonko, was jailed, the movement endured. The opposition didn’t collapse under pressure. Instead, it grew stronger. It didn’t focus on personalities. It focused on change. That discipline, that resilience, is what turned a protest movement into a governing force. The opposition coalition and its supporters and promoters continue to make elections about individuals. The Atiku-Obi rift cost the opposition dearly in 2023. Instead of presenting a united front, they split the base. Kwankwaso’s ambitions added another fracture. The APC didn’t win because it was popular. It won because the division allowed it to work and game the electoral process in a fraudulent way.

    And now, with 2027 on the horizon, that same lack of coordination is creeping back in. The Abuja summit was the first step. I welcome it, warts and all. But, walking the talk becomes cheap, a mirage, when unity of purpose is absent. Walking the talk begins with shared sacrifices. Someone must be willing to step aside. As Ousmane Sonko did in Senegal last year. Someone must lead the charge. As Diomaye Faye did. Others must fall in line. That’s the nature of coalition politics.

    Coalitions aren’t new to Africa. In Ghana, the National Democratic Congress has built enduring strength through consistent messaging and grassroots work. In Kenya, Raila Odinga’s ability to unify various political camps, despite internal contradictions, shows that coalition-building can deliver momentum. Our opposition coalition leaders must stop seeing each other as rivals and start behaving like allies. They need a memoranda of understandings. On consensus. On ambition. Not the ones signed in hotels but those signed in action. The practical roadmaps with timelines, benchmarks, and compromises. The opposition coalition must also overcome another major weakness: its detachment from the masses. Our citizens want change, but they don’t want elite quarrels. They want food, security, dignity, and a country that works for all. The Senegalese opposition understood this. They mobilised students, unions, and rural farmers. They protested. They forced the state to listen. The opposition coalition is still too focused on media sound bites and elite meetings.

    There’s also a lesson from the Philippines. Rodrigo Duterte didn’t come from the traditional elite. He spoke plainly. He sounded like the people. He wasn’t polished, but he was relatable. That authenticity gave him power. Behind him was a campaign machine that knew how to touch nerves. His supporters built online armies. They controlled narratives. They sold hope. He defeated an entrenched political dynasty because he knew how to connect with ordinary people. The opposition coalition should pay close attention. In 2023, the opposition tasted the power of social media. But it wasn’t enough. Opposition coalition doesn’t win elections alone online. It wins them in the cities, towns, villages, and hamlets. It wins them by convincing the citizens and build the coalition of the aggrieved around them. It wins them by building trust, one handshake with the citizens at a time. And it must organise, not just mobilise. Mobilisation is what serious opposition coalition does before elections. Organisation is what it builds between elections. The opposition coalition needs ward structures, data, election monitors, logistics hubs. It needs to recruit and train volunteers. It needs to know every local issue, every polling unit, and every INEC officer to deliver the message: rig and die. It doesn’t win elections by outrage; it wins by converting citizens’ outrage into protective bulwarks against rigging. It wins by planning.

    Time is not on the side of the opposition coalition. The APC has the tools of incumbency. It will play the ethnic card. Tinubu will argue that it’s still the South’s turn. The opposition must be ready to counter that narrative with a national message. It must present a pan-Nigerian ticket that appeals across the north and the south, across religion, across class. It must also confront the demons within. Ego, ethnicity, and ambition are the three poisons destroying the opposition. Too many leaders think they are saviours. They are unwilling to compromise. They want to lead, even if it means losing. That mindset must change. Politics is not about personal fulfilment. It’s about service. Those who cannot accept this should step aside.

    Ambition will also be a test, with eyes are on 2027. Atiku may run again. Obi is interested. Kwankwaso wants relevance. But there is only one ticket. Unless these men can sit together, agree on terms, and stick with them, the ruling party will coast to victory again. More importantly, the opposition coalition must also take defections seriously. Loyalty must be rewarded. Structures must be protected. There should be clear rules. Crossing to the ruling party shouldn’t be treated as a mere political mischief. It should be political treason. Voters must be made to see defectors as traitors, not heroes. That requires narrative control. It requires discipline. It requires a clear sense of identity.

    And that leads to the final point: the battle of stories. Every election is a contest of narratives. The opposition coalition must invest in storytelling. They must define the 2027 election before APC does. They must control the message. Not just in English, but in Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, and Pidgin. They must craft a story of hope and urgency. A story that says: 2027 is about saving our country. They must tell this story in markets, at bus stops, on radio, on TikTok, Twitter, Instagram and Facebook. They must reach the old and the young. They must inspire, but also instruct. They must be clear about what they will do differently. And they must say it often.

    History shows that opposition coalitions don’t win by accident. They win because they plan, they unite, they learn. Cambodia shows what happens when an opposition coalition doesn’t protect its base. Senegal shows what’s possible when it does. The Philippines shows how one man with a message can change the game. The opposition coalition still has time. But not much. If it starts now, I mean truly starts now, it can build something powerful. If not, the summit in Abuja will be just another jamboree. And 2027 will be a repeat of 2023- with stolen ballots and all that jazz.

    Our citizens are waiting, watchful, weary, but not without hope. The youths, disillusioned by empty rhetoric, now demand substance and not slogans. The old, mindful of the hourglass, yearn to walk hand-in-hand with the young, to pass on a country that works to the next generation before the final summons of death arrives. In this twilight of despair and flickers of hope, the opposition coalition stands at the cusp of possibility. It can give shape to these longings, give breath to a new covenant.

    I believe it, with the quiet urgency of faith.

  • The Next Election, Not the Next Generation

    The Next Election, Not the Next Generation

    -By Abdul Mahmud

    Obasanjo has a singular talent for driving the blade deep into our country’s conscience. No former president wields words like him: pointed, layered, unflinching. To him, no subject is sacred. No figure, too revered. He dissects them all with the precision of a surgeon and the courage of a prophet. His commentary is never casual; it is always an incision that reveals the rot beneath. And yet, therein lies the paradox. For every truth he unveils, a shadow of himself appears silent and self-incriminating. His insights often sting not because they are false, but because they echo with the ghosts of his own complicity. Obasanjo holds up the mirror to our country, but his reflection too stands in the frame.

    Last week, the media echoed Obasanjo’s voice far and wide: “Those in power today are only concerned about the next election, not the next generation.” A simple sentence. Yet, it struck like thunder. It wasn’t just a criticism. It was a verdict. A stinging indictment of the smallness that defines our politics. In those few words, he laid bare the rot at the heart of our leadership. He revealed the depth of a crisis that our country has long normalised. While his words are the stones thrown at glasshouses, or made for applause or headlines, they are a wake-up call. A rough shaking from the dream of indifference. A call to reckon with who rulers of our country are becoming and what our country may soon lose if the rulers continue this way. He forces rulers to look beyond manifestos and microphones. To face the hollow out bottom of our national purpose. His voice, like a prophet’s, disturbs. And rightly so.

    Today, in our country, leadership has drifted far from its noble roots. It is no longer a call to serve, it has become the crab-like scramble for political survival. Tenure has replaced transformation. Power, not purpose, drives the engine of governance. Those who rule do so with eyes fixed on the next election, not the next generation. They govern with fear, not foresight; with calculation, not conviction. The idea of legacy has been replaced by the hunger for control. There is no dream, only strategy. No roadmap, only insidious ambition. Our rulers no longer plant trees whose shades they may never sit under. They build nothing that outlives them. And so, the future stands abandoned like a child waiting at a door that may never open. They govern to stay in power.

    Chinua Achebe captured it perfectly in his book, The Trouble with Nigeria. He said: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.” Achebe’s words still ring true today. He saw through the façade long before the problems became this glaring. And, sadly, it seems like the situation has only gotten worse. The evidence is everywhere. Our schools are failing. Our hospitals, once mocked as mere consulting clinics, have now deteriorated into silent mortuaries – places where hope goes to die and the living fear to enter. The roads are full of potholes. Our youth are lost to hopelessness. And yet, our rulers are blind to these problems. The future of the next generation is compromised, and our rulers seem unfazed. They do not see the consequences of their failures.

    Why?

    Because they do not govern for the future.

    They govern for now. They do not care about legacy. They care only about tenure, elections, and power. They are too busy securing the next election to consider the next generation. This is why our policies are chaotic. They are short-sighted. Projects are started, only to be abandoned halfway. Behold the obsession with flyovers and the concrete madness that has gripped our governors, who mistake slabs and steel for progress, while the people beg for schools, hospitals, and clean water! Economic plans are announced, only to be forgotten. Education is neglected. Health care is ignored. Every promise made seems to fade away in the face of politics as usual.

    Our rulers do not plan for long-term prosperity. They want quick wins. They want to win the next election, not create lasting change. There is no grand vision, no blueprint for the future. All they see is the next vote, not the next generation. Take the education sector. It is broken. Teachers are underpaid. Schools are dilapidated. Classrooms are overcrowded. Students sit on floors. And they respond with empty promises. Meanwhile, the children of our rulers are sent abroad for better education. The system is rigged. The brightest minds are denied access to quality education, while mediocrity thrives. Health care is worse. Public hospitals are gone. They are underfunded, understaffed, and ill-equipped. Citizens die from preventable diseases because the system is broken. Yet, our rulers fly abroad for medical treatment. They neglect the very sector that could save lives. The hypocrisy is staggering.

    Security is another crisis. Bandits run rampant in the north. Terrorists control vast swathes of land. Kidnappers strike at will. The government’s response is slow, ineffective, and often political. The lives of ordinary citizens are sacrificed. The military is overstretched, fighting with outdated equipment. Yet, the government keeps increasing the defense budget. The country is on the brink, but no one seems to care. And what about democracy? It is in name only. Political parties are no more than patronage networks. Primaries are auctions. Candidates are chosen by godfathers, not the people. The electorate is sidelined. Citizens are ignored. Democracy has become a tool for self-interest, not service. Democracy has been emptied of its noble promise. It no longer serves the people; it serves the powerful. What was once a sacred covenant between the rulers and the citizens has become a ladder for personal gains. The Harvard scholars, Ziblatt and Levitsky were right in their book, How Democracies Die, that democracies rarely collapse with a bang; they erode slowly, as norms decay, institutions weaken, and those in power substitute the public good with private ambition. Our country is living that slow death. The guardrails meant to protect our republic have been kicked aside by those meant to uphold them. Citizens’ voices are drowned out by money and power.

    What future do our rulers offer the next generation? A country where mediocrity reigns? A country where merit is irrelevant? A country where the brightest minds leave, and the dullest stay behind? The future is bleak. But it doesn’t have to be this way.

    Obasanjo’s words are not new. They capture a pattern of failure. Our country has repeatedly stumbled over the same obstacles. Short-term thinking. Selfish politics. The same mistakes keep being made, and the people keep suffering. The Second Republic collapsed under the weight of selfish politics. Shagari’s government offered little reform. Babangida promised economic liberalisation but delivered economic disaster. Abacha’s rule was a period of looting and repression. Obasanjo’s second coming was marked by the failed attempt at a third term. Jonathan’s years were marked by wasted opportunities. Buhari’s tenure was marked by stagnation and inefficiency. Tinubu’s government is already failing disastrously.

    Each government has failed to deliver meaningful change. None has left a legacy worth remembering. All promised change, but none provided it. The same story repeats itself over and over. The citizens suffer, but the rulers remain unscathed. The long arc of history shows us the cost of ignoring the future. Countries that fail to plan, fail to survive. Rome fell not just because of the invasion of barbarians, but because of internal decay. The Ottoman Empire disintegrated because its leaders ignored the signs of decline. Mobutu’s Congo is a cautionary tale of mismanagement and corruption.

    But all is not lost. There is hope.

    Countries rise from the ashes of their mistakes. Rwanda, after its genocide, focused on rebuilding with a clear vision. Singapore, once poor and underdeveloped, invested in human capital and infrastructure. Leadership and vision made the difference. These countries did not dwell on the past. They focused on the future. They planned for the long term. Our country can rise too. But not with the current rulers. Our country needs a change. Our country needs leaders who care about more than just elections. Our country needs leaders who care about the future. Leaders who will leave a legacy for the next generation. Our country needs the politics of purpose, not of power.

    Our citizens must rise. They must demand better leadership. They must question the rulers. They must reject those who only care about power and self-interest. They must demand leaders who are willing to serve, not to rule. They must insist on transparency and accountability. They must reject tribalism and nepotism. Our citizens must abandon the politics of sentiment and begin to measure leadership by the weight of service, not the size of slogans. In a country scarred by broken promises, citizens can no longer afford to gamble their future on charisma without character. The ballot must become a moral instrument, wielded in favour of those whose hands bear the calluses of real work – men and women who have served not themselves, but the people; who have shown, in quiet diligence, a commitment to public good over private gains.

    Citizens must look beyond the billboards and the roadside crowds, and ask harder questions: Who has stood with them when the cameras weren’t rolling? Who has delivered when there were no political points to score? Leadership must be rooted in history, in evidence, in a lived ethic of care. It is time citizens voted not for those who promise paradise, but for those who have exalted them, built schools, reformed the system, or shielded the weak from the blows of the harsh state. Only then can democracy serve the living, and not just the powerful.

    A new political culture is needed. One that values service over self-interest. One that prioritises the future over the present. Every leader must be asked: What will you leave behind? It is not enough to simply win elections. Leadership is about building the country and the people, not just securing power. Mandela understood this. Lee Kuan Yew understood this. Kagame’s Rwanda shows that, even after great tragedy, countries can rebuild. Vision is essential. And leadership is key. Our country is a giant. But it is a sleeping giant. It is time to awaken her.

    If our rulers will not think of the next generation, the next generation must think of how to replace them. The citizens must rise. They must take charge of their future. History will remember not only the failure of leaders, but the courage of citizens who refused to surrender their fate to mediocrity. When those entrusted with our country’s future chose ambition over vision, it was the citizens who rose, not with arms, but with resolve; not with bitterness, but with purpose. Surely, history will record this for posterity: when the custodians of power abandoned their posts, active citizens stepped forward to reclaim the dreams of our country. They choose legacy over fleeting victory, substance over spectacle. They gave history something worthy to record.

    Obasanjo is right. Achebe was right. Now, it is the citizens’ turn to act right.

    History and the future wait for no man – including woman.