Category: Opinion

By Oseloka H. Obaze

Disfranchised Nigerians continue to rebuke the Tinubu Administration for its lackluster governance performance. That is as it should be. On balance, the APC Administration also has its defenders and apologists. That too, is as it should be. Both are essential parts of any democracy. Democracies tend to mimic a broad spectrum; there are left and right wing extremists and centrists aka moderates. There are also the rulers and the opposition. Ultimately, the sweep and sway of the pendulum can be wide.

The All Progressive Congress’s (APC) weak electoral mandate still dominates the discourse in Nigeria’s political space. As if that was not enough, the ruling APC has again gone rogue by being immersed in the news for the wrong reason; budget padding. In early 2016, President Muhammadu Buhari told Nigerians that in the many years he served as governor, minister and headed the Petroluem Trust Fund, he had never heard the phrase “budget padding.” Two years later in 2018, President Buhari accused the National Assembly of padding Promissory Notes Programme and debts to be reimbursed to states by the Federal Government by N890.5 million. All these happened on APC’s watch. Budget padding, now seemingly habitual for APC, has resurfaced again. Whereas APC is answerable for the latest unsavory development, Nigeria’s political opposition must share part of the blame.

It is commonly accepted that the strength of political-party opposition affects government. Since democracy is about rationalizing divergent and convergent choices, it means that those constituting the opposing minority in a democracy, still have a critical role to play. For this singular reason, political opposition in a democracy, no matter its lesser numerical strength, retains the capacity to influence legislative processes. Regrettably, a SWOT analysis of Nigeria’s present political opposition leaves a lot to be desired.

Truly, the All Progressive Congress controls the Executive and Legislative Branches of Government as they have for the past eight years. Yet, of the 18 recognized political parties in Nigeria, six have elected representatives within the Federal Legislature and in State Government Houses and State Assemblies. The main political opposition cluster, which consists of the PDP, LP, NNPP, SDP, APGA and ADC, all have representation in the National Assembly, and therefore, represent the collective voice, no matter how infinitesimal.

The National Assembly has a total of 469 elected members; 109 in the Senate and 360 in the Federal House. In the Senate, the numerical difference between the ruling APC and the collective minority, is just 9 votes; APC’s 59 to Minorities’ 50 votes. The House of Representatives breakdown is as follows: All Progressives Congress: 176 seats; the opposition has cumulatively 182 seats, which outstrips the ruling APC by 6 votes. The foregoing numbers notwithstanding, since the inception of the Tinubu administration, the political opposition has been ominously silent and seemingly inactive. PDP, the former ruling party, as opposition seems to have lost its voice. Nigerians still recall the diligence, vehemence and robustness with which Chief Olisa Metuh of PDP singularly dogged the Buhari administration.

Regardless of party affiliation, Nigerian legislators are elected to pass legislation to benefit Nigerian citizens. Pursuant to the 1999 Constitution, the legislators are, inter alia, vested with the statutory powers to make laws for the peace, order and good governance of the Federation, as well a regulatory powers, investigatory powers, financial powers, and confirmation and impeachment powers.  Accordingly, if the legislature has its wits about it, when it speaks, the Executive and Judiciary branches ought to pay very keen attention. The same is true of the opposition cluster within the government.
As it is, evidence abound that the Nigerian opposition is failing in its responsibility to provide checks and balances and adequate oversight, either because they seem not to understand their statutory remit; or perhaps, because Nigerians hardly hold them accountable. It could also be attributed to most Nigerians being far too preoccupied with existential concerns to worry about realpolitik. Besides, most Nigerians seem to have lost confidence in the political party system, given the transactional nature of political alignments. Contextually, it can be asserted without equivocation that Nigeria’s incumbent political opposition in the legislature for whatever reasons, abet APC’s grim governance.

Three discernible factors, possibly more, contribute to the ineffectiveness of the political opposition. First, is the absence of binding or contrasting political ideologies. Second, is absence of punitive and agonizing sanctions for cross-carpeting and antiparty activities? Third is the transactional nature of Nigerian politics. Although the 2022 Electoral Act now makes it more difficult to decamp, the political opposition is yet to leverage on that advantage. Presently, the only strident opposition voices in the national political sphere, seems to be that of Peter Obi, the Obidients, some forthright politically conscious individuals and some not-yet-co-opted CSOs. This is evidenced by the fact that social media platforms are awash with complaints from Labourites and Obidients that elected Labour Party legislators seem content to enjoy the honorifics of their positions, without doing the heavy lifting that comes with their offices. The same sentiments apply to PDP legislators.

Nigeria’s present opposition cluster seems to gloss over their collective strength and role. Such disposition weakens our democracy. What is missing is the bi-partisan caucus expected of the opposition collective in the national interest. Ignored also, is the fact that political opposition anywhere that understands its collective bargaining power, will also grasp its strength and resultant ability to shape policies as well as modify the effects of autocratic state control and state capture. Nigeria is worse off if the prevailing resignation is based primarily on enlightened self-interest. Given the state of the nation, for the opposition to pally and dally around with the APC leadership may not be politically career-enhancing.

Because the PDP, LP and NNPP have been immersed in all manners of visceral leadership crisis, the reticence of the leaders of the main national parties might be understandable; but certainly, not those of their elected legislators. Routinely, “The Opposition’s main role is to question the government of the day and hold them accountable to the public. This also helps to fix the mistakes of the Ruling Party.” At a time when there is increased deprivation and hardship across the nation, Nigerians are neither witnessing the robustness nor feeling the pulse of the political opposition. Rather, opposition apathy is contributing to leadership inertia, indolence as well as brinkmanship. As empirical studies and experience instruct, weak political opposition only accelerates democratic erosion and democratic backsliding.

Acceptably, roadblocks to a strong democracy in Nigeria exist in all tiers of government. But Nigeria is especially confronted by a dual-tracked Orwellian challenge: danger of apathy and danger of silence. Whereas APC legislators can conveniently wish to transform the federal legislature to a rubber stamp institution; must opposition legislators follow blindly, without questioning their decisions and without a modicum of independent critical thinking and assertiveness? A clear divide exists between building consensus, compromise and capitulation. Clearly, they seem to have abdicated the vital role of an alternative government and indeed, the role of a government in waiting. The prevailing optics relative to the latter is dreadful.

Right now, legislative opposition members hardly reecho or buttress political positions enunciated by Peter Obi of the Labour Party, Atiku Abukakar of PDP or Rabiu Kwankwaso of the NNPP. Opposition legislators have never aligned publicly with the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC). They hardly appear on national television to advance opposition legislative agenda or rebut the excesses of the ruling APC government. Whilst Nigerians clamour for restructuring, the political opposition hardly makes demands for constitutional reforms. Rather, members of the Nigeria opposition appear to spend more time and efforts feathering their nests than confronting the APC government. It is thus increasingly hard to convince various federal constituents that their elected opposition members have not sold out to the ruling party. Indeed, words can’t describe the dissoluteness of most of our opposition legislators.

The proactive role of the political opposition in Nigeria is now more imperative than ever, since the ruling APC government is clearly struggling with governance and nation building. With entrenched poverty, hunger and insecurity, the voice of the opposition, which should be a salve for the national population, is remarkably muted. That ought to be very troubling for all concerned.

——
Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

Pst. Solomon Essiet (ACIA)

The Free Medical Outreach for Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District currently ongoing at the General Hospital, Ikot Ekpene Local Government Area continue to gather momentum as the number of beneficiaries from the Free Medical intervention by Pst. Umo Bassey Eno, the Governor of Akwa Ibom State increases by the day.

From the available information from the officers in charge of the collation unit of the Medical Outreach as regards number of patients attended to on the first day of the Medical Outreach, Monday, 11th March, 2024, about 86 Major and Minor surgical operations have been conducted successfully without any form of casualties.

Today, I was able to have first hand information directly from some of the beneficiaries who could not hold back their tears of joy for the Governor’s intervention in their medical conditions.

Mr. Emmanuel Effiong Nelson from Ikot Abia Idem in Ikot Ekpene Local Government Area was the first beneficiary to be interviewed by me today. With joy in his voice, he told me he has been suffering from a medical condition known as Hernia and enlargement of the Scrotum for the past 15 Years but could not go for any operation due to none availability of finance. He thank the Governor profusely for the medical intervention while pleading that similar exercise should be conducted annually for several others to benefit from the exercise.

Mr. Aniefiok Monday Udo from Ikot Asukpong, Ika Local Government Area could not hide his feelings of appreciation to the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Pst. Umo Bassey Eno. He was suffering from Hernia, Diabetes and Hypertension for 5 Years of which he was successfully operated upon on the day one of this medical outreach. In his words “I voted for Pst. Umo Eno in 2023 and I will vote for him again in 2027 if I am alive till then.” I pray Papa who is 68 Years of age stays alive to fulfill his promise of voting for the Governor in his second term Gubernatorial election bid.

Mr. Ezekiel John Akpan, from Ukana Mkpa Eyop, Afaha-Obong, Abak Local Government Area, another beneficiary of the free medical outreach who has been suffering from Hernia for the past two years had a successful surgical operation yesterday and was full of thanks to the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Pst. Umo Bassey Eno. He said that all the money he saved was never enough for him to go for the operation. In his words, “When you see Gov. Umo Eno, tell him I say thank you for saving my life.”

The Bible made mention of Jesus Christ in Act. 10:38 stating that “Anywhere He went, He was doing good…” Pst. Umo Bassey Eno, the Governor of Akwa Ibom State has been doing good anywhere he went since he emerged victorious on 18th March, 2023, during the last Gubernatorial election and successfully sworn into the office on 29th May, 2023 as the Governor of Akwa Ibom State.

My visit to the female surgical ward for an interface with the beneficiaries of the free medical outreach who had gone through major surgical operations the previous day was also met with excitement from the beneficiaries, of which some were discharged to go to their various places of abode on the day one of the Medical Outreach.

Speaking with Miss Immaculata Malachi from Nto Eto Village in Obot Akara Local Government Area, she mentioned that she has been suffering from Fibroids since last year but could not go for any operation for lack of funds. Having been operated successfully, she was full of praises to our golden Governor, Pst. Umo Bassey Eno.

Mrs. Eunice Titus Udoh from Nkari in Ini Local Government Area who was suffering from the medical condition known as Hernia for the past 7 Years, could not help thanking the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, having gone through a successful operation still on the day one of the free medical outreach.

Mrs. Glory Etido Augustine from Ikot Essien Okon Essien who reportedly had Fibroids for 6 Years and needed Myomectomy operation was full of thanks to the golden Governor of Akwa Ibom State after a successful operation, stating that “The Governor has done very well and deserves a second term in office.”

As the Free Medical Outreach continues till Friday, 15th March, 2024, we hope to give a comprehensive report of the number of beneficiaries from the medical intervention by the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Pst. Umo Bassey Eno in Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District. Thank you very much Your Excellency, Pst. Umo Bassey Eno, the performing Governor of Akwa Ibom State for embarking on this lives saving exercise. You are indeed a man of compassion.

Arise, that same God.

• Pst. Solomon Essiet (ACIA)
  Special Assistant on New Media to the Governor of Akwa Ibom State

A befuddling vagary of Nigerian politics is that some who seek political power on getting into office don’t seem to know what to do. Yet, the abandonment of Nigerian political space to transactional politicians is deeply rooted in the “Sit George faciam” and “Laissez George le faire” culture. The English counterpart, is “Let George do it.” The language notwithstanding, the mantra underpins the willful abdication of moral responsibilities; good men abandon politics to fraudsters and elected officials lack of the political will to take hard-headed decisions, or take responsibility for governance successes or failures. An adjunct to that leadership hubris is The Blame Game (TBG).

Nigeria’s major governance challenge has always been bad leadership, on which greed and corruption pivot. But governance dysfunction is also totally rooted in another leadership oddity. It has become a cliché to speak of lack of political will as an albatross, but hardly is it defined. ‘Let George do’ is squarely about passing the buck. In definitional terms, the blame game, “a situation in which one party blames others for something bad or unfortunate rather than attempting to seek a solution,” is also passing the buck. For long, Nigeria’s politics has been fraught with the blame game and finger pointing. It happens in a warped political environment, in which elected leaders at the federal and state levels, instead of engaging in problem solving, resort to blaming their predecessors.

The blame game is a form of psychosis; a miasma and national malaise that continues to hobble Nigeria. It retards her development insidiously, in very oblique ways. The syndrome has a tight knit correlation and an inextricable nexus to lack of elite consensus in Nigeria. Overcoming such mindset, perhaps, is the only way to extricate Nigeria from her present governance and development rut.

Ironically, it is the overarching need for continuity-in-government (CiG) and sustainability of policies that compel exiting administrations to work assiduously to ensure that they are succeeded by leaders from their own party. Such succession planning would readily explain why, the outgoing Buhari-led All Progressives Congress (APC) administration ensured -at all costs, including the most egregious methods- that it was not succeeded by a Labour Party (LP) or Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) administration; but by another APC administration. As far as strategic ambiguity goes, there are still clearly defined lines between the blame game and policy game. Yet, rather than govern, the present APC administration has made the blame game its favourite pastime. Hence, Nigeria observers are witnessing gross dissonance within the government and deep-seated consternation nationwide.

First, as hunger manifested in Nigeria thanks to the subsidy removal, the grossly devalued naira and road food and general inflation; the Presidency blamed political opponents for the sad state of affairs; with Vice President Kashim Shettima, alluding that smugglers and politicians were the brains behind the attempt to pull the nation backward. Second, as hungry Nigerians expanded their protestations and some resorted to self-help with food, wherever they could find it; Senate President Godswill Akpabio publicly suggested that the hunger protests were not genuine, but were sponsored presumably to embarrass the Tinubu administration.

Third, Mr. Wale Edun, the finance and coordinating minister of the economy, publicly and on record, blamed former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration for causing Nigeria’s hyperinflation “by aimlessly” printing trillions of naira, without productivity. As he asserted; “The N22.7 trillion printed by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) through Ways and Means overdraft for the federal government from 2015 to 2023 landed Nigeria into hyper-inflation.” In a nutshell, for the entire eight years of the Buhari administration, the federal government printed money without commensurate productivity, and aimlessly so.

The vexatious paradox is that while in 2015, the Buhari Administration spent its early years blaming the out gone Goodluck Jonathan PDP administration for all governance ills it seemed incapable of addressing, in 2023, the Bola Tinubu’s APC’s administration is doing exactly the same thing; except that its predecessor-in-office was also an APC administration. Such uncharitable recriminations assumes even more insidious colouration, when it is recalled that in 2022, candidate Tinubu had pledged that if elected, “he will show due honour to the efforts and legacies of the President and work in the spirit of unity, national purpose that informed the creation of the party” and that “his government will be devoted to continuity.”

What Minister Edu expediently ignored, is that like the Tinubu-led government, the Buhari-led government was also an APC Government; two ugly sides of the same counterfeit coin. He also ignored the fiscal profligacy exhibited by the Tinubu administration since its inception on 29 May 2023. The pathology of the blame game is that “a person consciously puts allegations against others without accepting one’s faults.” Should Nigerians assume that the two APC administrations are incompatible and have different ideologies, or different governance ethos? The reality is that Nigerians no longer make any pretenses of their politics being driven by any form of ideology. As a people, political ideology never got stuck in our craw. Yet, APC of yesterday is the APC of today! The ‘Change’ and ‘Renewed Hope’ Buhari and Tinubu respectively promised Nigerians are fungible. Both emanate from the APC stable.

The blame game is neither a good policy game nor good governance attributes. It is neither a badge of honour nor political bibelots. The blame game is hardly ever mirific. The blame game is never a solution. Rather, it is simply passing the buck and not taking responsibility or ownership for failing or failed governance policies. In present day Nigeria, this is standard fare at the federal and state levels. But something ought to be clear. “Every time our government plays the policy game, some of us win and some of us lose;” but every time our government plays the blame game, the entire nation lose. Repeating the exact mistakes of the Buhari administration, means the Tinubu’s Government is entirely oblivious of missed opportunities and lessons learned. Nigerians must recognize the blame game syndrome and its increasing adverse impact on her national wellbeing. The blame game translates to lack of accountability. Grasping that reality entails also grasping why leaders double down on faux positions and policies, rather than explore proactive and purposeful transformative and redeeming policies.

Perhaps, pretty soon, the Buhari administration will be blamed for not prosecuting those public officers who were publicly accused, arrested and charged with various forms of grand larcenies. Such non-fiscal liabilities were also inherited. That being the case, Nigerians may yet be told that the Tinubu government cannot do anything about such cases; as if the statute of limitations has run out. Just as there were perceived ‘sacred cows’ during the Buhari administration – those beyond the reach of the law- who enjoyed unfettered immunity, the same mindset is emerging with the present administration. Will the blame game be deployed for the ensuing inaction?

Nigeria, like most nations, has its schizophrenic history. In Nigeria, where most of the national elite and leadership have no allegiance to pristine ethics, the challenges become even murkier. Our predisposition –a predilection of sorts- is that resort to the blame game contributes invariably to the weakening of national institutions, a reality that runs in parallel with the decimation of the national economic strata. Perhaps, a word of caution here will suffice; playing the blame game can be extremely toxic. There are some notable personalities in the present executive and legislative branches of the Tinubu administration, who were also key players in the Buhari administration. They were party to the legislation that facilitated the Ways and Means overdraft for the federal government. Will their roles be audited and if need be, will they be prosecuted, if found liable?

As an Africa adage says, “While one finger is pointed at a presumed culprit, three fingers point back at the accuser.” In present day Nigeria, there are enough blames to go round; and certainly, finger-pointing will not solve the nation’s onerous leadership and governance predicament. Purposeful leadership and governance goes well beyond sloganeering and political sound bites; and certainly, the resort to blame games. Leadership must strive for governance that is positive — via positive governance and robust institutions. Only in that context can we as a nation pursue the rule of law in all sincerity, while emphasizing the core pillars of “development” and “empowerment” firmly anchored on unbiased “enforcement” of extant laws, rules and regulations.

It’s important to grasp fully, what true leadership and governance represents. Inheriting a bad economic situation is not peculiar to Nigeria. At different times, in the U.S., China, Vietnam, Argentina, etc., incoming administrations inherited parlous economies. Rather than waste time and energy blaming the predecessor administrations, they respectively focused on problem solving and particularly, on how to structurally transform their economies. If our leaders have not been told, engaging in the blame game is tantamount to gross abdication of leadership responsibilities by those elected to govern. That such abdication now seems collective and predisposed to groupthink, will explain our intractable national rut and sustained dysfunctionalism.

——
Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

By Chinwuba Aneke

It is said that a good service to God is service to humanity, and a good service to humanity is service to God. A good and honest service is a humane and integral aspect of life, albeit it can get difficult most times. People who can still stand tall and serve for a higher good even in tough situations, similar to what Gandhi calls losing oneself in the service of others.

Sir Nwabueze Nnamani is a special gift to not just the people of Nkanu West, Enugu, but to Nigeria. Anyone who suggests that Sir Nnamani dedicated his life to serving the country and his people as a way to thank God for surviving the war would not be far from the truth.

After the war, instead of grumbling about how the war had destroyed the region, or letting himself get dragged down by the emotional part of the war, he got down to work, earned some living, and finished with Grade One in his secondary school. When it was clear his parents couldn’t afford to send him to the university, he picked the best part of himself again, to serve.

The disappointment of his parents not meeting his demand to go to the university did not discourage him like it would have done to many. He got into the Nigerian Customs Service, to serve his country.

At Customs, he did not just deliver diligent service at all times, but with a smile on his face no matter what, and with an unrepentant sense of patriotism and integrity. When the British writer C. S. Lewis wrote that “Integrity is doing the right thing even when no one is watching,” Sir Nwabueze Nnamani must have burned the words into the core of his mind and in his breath. Sir Nnamani would stick to the right thing, to the law, to his values even in the dark of under his bed.

Living a life of indefatigable and unflagging integrity is as demanding as it is mostly selflessly rewarding. It is mostly for the higher good than it is for personal gains. Most times you may lose some personal advantage in order to stand by the law, by the right thing, by the truth. Sir Nnamani while on maritime duty was almost drowned because of his unrepentant insistence on standing by the law, it did not change him.

It didn’t end there, he was denied a lot of promotions and some advantages at the customs, not to mention being posted at dangerous and rather disadvantaged customs centres just to get him and his integrity out of the way, and perhaps to force him to change his principles, but he never budged. The Nigerian nation needs more citizens and leaders like Sir Nwabueze Nnamani. Citizens who would do the right thing in public and in private no matter the toughness of the situation; citizens who shun corruption by all means.

While working at Customs, notwithstanding how exhausting the job was, when his people called on him to serve at Awkunanaw Welfare Association, he didn’t think twice. He served as the Vice President of the body for at least a decade as a pioneer member, and you never found him wanting either at the body or in delivering his duty at Customs. At the same time, he also headed the body of Akegbe Ugwu indigenes resident in Lagos until he was transferred to Kaduna.

There is hardly a time that Sir Nnamani was called to serve the country or nation that he turned it down. After retiring from the Nigeria Customs Service, instead of retiring to rest as would be expected, Sir Nnamani retired to community service. When his state and people called on him to serve as the Council Chairman, he embraced the challenge.

As the Chairman of Nkanu West Local Government Area, Sir Nnamani went full force on different big projects from his first month in office, even as a Caretaker Chairman before being voted in as the Chairman. He saw the state of the council secretariat at Agbani, and got to work, gave the secretariat a new face with full renovation which is how it looks to this day.

He didn’t stop there. One of the biggest markets in the council, Eke Agbani was managed badly and in a sorry state, with no modern facility, no toilet facility, and more. He stepped in, modernized the market, and built a toilet facility with a borehole powered by solar energy.

Knowing how much Sir Nnamani values serving his people and their wellbeing, it raised no surprise when he started renovating and equipping some state health centres within the Nkanu West Council. Among the health centres he renovated is the Umueze Health Centre, and then he intervened in providing hospital equipment to health centres at Obe, Ugwuafor, and others.

Beyond building roads, which he did at different parts of the council, building bridges, like the bridge at Nvene River in Akegbe Ugwu, encouraging education, providing succour to the needy, and increasing social security, he also understood that since money must be spent, the council must make revenue as well. He did something that was largely unprecedented in the council for years. He attracted private investors to build a plumbing material market, a hub at Agbani, the centre of the council. The investors started work on the market based on Private-Public Partnership, PPP, and the project was in its final phase before his tenure ran out. The council was to provide no funds, as the private investors were to cover the cost as agreed. This way, the council will have more options to earn handsome revenue and keep developing. Sir Nnamani has the rare vision of the Eagle to see into the far future, knowing that an independent revenue is important to the council should, God help it never happens, the FAAC allocation fail to come some months.

Ikeoha as he is also called, is a character that everyone should admire and emulate; if one looks long enough into the life of Ikeoha, one must part with some rare life values. It is said that duty maketh a man, in addition to his sense of service, duty, and moral, is his sense of contentment. His virtue of balancing ambition and contentment without allowing either of both to tip over a sensible par is one many will be envious of. Little wonder he often smiled even more after being denied many due promotions at Customs for long because of his total insistence on what’s right. That is likely the reason he stepped away after a tenure as a council chairman for others to have it, not minding that he could go a lawful second term if he wanted.

He lives by his name Ikeoha, which means the strength of the people. He believes power does not belong to one person, but to the people, that is why even at 70, he is still willing to serve his people if and when called upon. An elder like Sir Nnamani should be made to have a lot of young people around him, to learn the ropes of life, so he will rub off his many excellent virtues on the youth, as we believe his chi will still keep him long enough with us.

Sir Nwabueze Nnamani, my prayer is that you live long in good health to continue passing your wisdom down to the young ones, after all, good men are not simply born, they are made.

By Oseloka Henry Obaze

History and diplomacy often mix in very curious ways. The just-concluded AFCON football tournament in Ivory Coast, unearthed parts of Nigeria’s failings to honour her history and stay true to her past diplomatic accomplishments. Sibling and sporting rivalry between South Africa’s team Bafana Bafana and Nigeria’s Super Eagles, showcased how emotive aspects of the football competition and inexplicable xenophobia made some South Africans to forget Nigeria’s role and what Nigerians did collectively for them, in ending apartheid.  Every Nigerian civil servant was made by the Obasanjo regime to mandatorily donate a percentage of their monthly salary to the Southern African Trust Fund. And Nigerians did willingly; even those in the private sector. The fund supported the ANC, SWAPO and PAC in their liberation struggle against the obnoxious apartheid regime in South Africa. It was a mission founded on love and obligation.

There was a history and more.  Let the history unfold here for the record and posterity.  South Africa having scrubbed its nuclear power programme, under international pressure, today owes its self-sufficiency in water, energy and electric power generation partly to Nigeria.

When South Africa was forced to end its nuclear power programme in the early 80’s, its electric generation supply capacity dropped drastically. So too, did its water supply.  South Africa was under various globally imposed sanctions.  It could not import oil and gas internationally, except through smuggling.  It could not sell her diamonds to earn foreign exchange. Surrounded by the anti-apartheid Frontline States and at war with Angola and Namibia, long after the May 1978 South African Defence Forces (SADF) attack of SWAPO cadre in Angola’s Cassinga province, South Africa had nowhere to turn.  So it turned to landlocked Lesotho, which was blessed with abundant natural mountain waters that South Africa needed so badly.

It was paradoxical that South Africa would turn to Lesotho – an African Union and United Nations member state in good standing- to meet her water and electricity needs.  But that was not possible due to global sanctions; and Nigeria was the Chair of the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid. Bilateral agreements between Pretoria and Maseru meant that any benefits from such bilateral arrangements accruing to Lesotho, could also dovetail to apartheid South Africa.  With the sanction regimes in place and biting that was not considered even plausible.

In the early 1980’s Lesotho had decided to explore the Highlands Waters and build a project that would make it self-sufficient in electricity, water and also boost its tourism capacity, while making her a net exporter of electricity.  But there was a problem: funding.  Lesotho could not take loans from South Africa and no nation would fund such a project for fear of expanded sanctions.  The African Development Bank would not touch it; and when the World Bank decided to explore funding the project, it encountered trenchant opposition and Lesotho’s application stalled.

Lesotho wanted to build the Katse Dam across the Maloti Mountains around the riparian stretch of the Senqu River, which melds into the South Africa’s Orange River. The envisaged project, which was to enhance the transfer of water and electricity from Lesotho to South Africa consisted of an array of dams for hydroelectricity generation plants,  man-made lakes that served as reservoirs, and huge intermountain tunnels, that would channel water to South Africa.  Huge lakes created by the projects would serve as tourists’ resorts.

The World Bank and the European Commission Union agreed to assist Lesotho to fund the project, with a caveat. But the funding ran into a snag.  Countries that had supported UN and EU sanctions against South Africa could not possibly do an about face and support the project that would vicariously assist South Africa. Protestations trailed the project plan and its funding.  Everyone concerned was sympathetic to the needs of Lesotho and her non-contiguous neighbours, but not those of South Africa. The project, which would span a decade to complete, needed to start first. Ordinarily,  the project would grant South Africa vast sustainable and clean energy electricity and the much needed water; while for Lesotho, it would guarantee high income earnings  from  water and electricity as well as employment opportunities and community reinvestment initiatives (CRI) for the host communities.

Vigorous anti-apartheid and diplomatic opposition from SADC, the AU and the UN shut down the funding of the project, pushing the start date to the mid-1980s. Lesotho, which had provided its counterpart funding was badly stuck.  There were other concerns. Although Lesotho vouchsafed that it was not the case, doubts persisted as to whether or not her bilateral agreement with South Africa had been signed under duress. This was so because South Africa had routinely interfered in the domestic affairs of Lesotho. South Africa had even engineered raids into the small landlocked country in the pretext of pursuing ANC militants.

Such intermittent raids were common knowledge within the UN diplomatic circles. Indeed, on 30 December, 1985, the UN Security Council had unanimously condemned the South African government for participating in the raid in Lesotho. Two days later, the South Africans stunned the international community on New Year’s Day, 1986, by imposing a border blockade on Lesotho, resulting drastic shortages of food, medical supplies and other essential items.

With the unfolding challenges and irritants in her relations with South Africa, Lesotho had nowhere to turn, but to the UN.  The matter finally rested on the desk of the Nigerian Chairman of the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid, General Joe Garba. Lesotho’s small diplomatic mission at the UN was tenacious.  Her UN representative and Chargés d’affaires ad interim Mr Thabo B. Moeketsi was fervently pertinacious. They lobbied every delegation to assist, stressing that the Highlands Water Project was Lesotho’s national lifeline, but never for once pretending or discounting its prospective benefits to an apartheid free South Africa.

Ultimately, the tasks of giving the World Bank the waiver to fund the project fell on the Nigerians.  It was a tough call. Undoubtedly, such a waiver would be unfair to countries and nations facing sanctions for breaking or violating extant UN embargoes on South Africa. Lesotho representatives remained strident, practical and persuasive. They never denied that South Africa stood to benefit; instead they argued that both Lesotho and apartheid free South Africa and indeed the entire SADC sub-region would be beneficiaries in the long term.  All they wanted the UN to do was to send a high-level delegation to eye-ball the project and then offer a balanced merit-based assessment.  That argument gained traction after King Mosheshe II of Lesotho personally asked his longtime friend, Joe Garba to support such a visit and indeed, if possible, to lead it personally.

And here is the backgrounder, an excerpt as recorded in the book, Joe Garba’s Legacy (Xlibris: 2012) “The global anti-apartheid forces had also rallied and blocked the development of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project on account that it would benefit apartheid South Africa. Again, it was Joe Garba that stepped in to physically assess the project, evaluate its import for the landlocked Lesotho economy, and eventually secure for the small landlocked nation, the much needed reprieve it sought. In undertaking that task, Joe Garba was of the opinion that the project must be viewed in the long-term and its value to a South Africa free of apartheid should be taken into account. The political survival of Lesotho was also another influencing factor.”

So, Nigeria’s Joe Garba went off to Southern Africa to consult and also to visit Lesotho.  Throughout the one week tour, he met King Mosheshe II, military leaders of Lesotho, Ministers of the Frontlines States and Gen. Bantu Holomisa of the Transkei Homeland. Upon return to New York, he met and briefed ambassadors of the Frontline States to get their collective buy-in. These were Amb. Stanley Mudenge of Zimbabwe, Gen.  Peter Dingiswayo Zuze of Zambia, Amb. Legwaila Joseph Legwaila of Botswana and Amb. Anthony Balthazar Nyaki of Tanzania.  He also met the Swaziland Permanent Representative. Joe Garba then consulted the representatives of the ANC, Mr Dumisana Shadrack Kumalo, the leaders the Liberation Movements, Dr. Theo-Ben Gurirab of SWAPO and Mr Gora Ebrahim of the Pan Africanist Congress(PAC).

Further consultations were undertaken between Nigeria’s Joe Garba and Amb. Victor Gbeho of Ghana and Amb. Hennadiy Udovenko of Ukraine, his two Deputy Chairs on the Special Committee Against Apartheid.  He also briefed UN Secretary-General as well as representatives of the World Bank, European Union and UNDP.  Finally, he apprised the Nigerian Foreign Ministry, that Nigeria would inevitably take the lead in asking for a waiver that would allow the World Bank and EU to literally break some existing sanctions regime, to enable Lesotho to build the Highland Waters project, of which, without doubt, South Africa will be the greatest and long-term beneficiary, in terms of water and electricity supply.

With the consultations done and sealed, the UN via its Special Committee Against Apartheid facilitated the exclusion clause blueprint that allowed the World Bank and the EU to fund the Lesotho Highlands Water Project, which Lesotho and South Africa had commenced discussing in the mid-1980s. The building of the Katse Dam commenced first and it was completed in 1997. Other strands of the project, the Mohale Dam, followed and the Muela Hydroelectric Power Station came on stream with huge electricity supply for Lesotho and South Africa in 1999. By this time, Namibia had become independent and South Africa followed in 1994, with the end of apartheid, the release of Nelson Mandela from prison and subsequently, his election as the President of South Africa.

The rest is history.  But it must be placed on record that Nigeria (the Generator Country) was instrumental to the electricity self-sufficiency that South Africa enjoys today. Nigeria had drawn on her own national experience of benefitting from a World Bank loan of $72 million to build the Kainji Dam in the 1960s.  She had also entered into bilateral agreements with upstream countries like Niger in order to make the Kainji project feasible and viable. She would not deny South Africa and Lesotho similar privileges.  And that’s what leadership and diplomacy in the global realm is all about.

Here is the upshot.  The next time young impressionable South Africans rally to chase Nigerians away from their country yelling, “Go back to Your Generator Country,” South African elders should do well to tell them to go and read history.  There are also two parallel historical lessons for them; Uganda and Zimbabwe respectively chased the Asians and Boers away after independence and out of national pride and paid  huge price for it.  Angola, Mozambique and Namibia did not make the same mistake and are prospering. As the African proverb says; “You don’t bite the fingers that feed you.” Perhaps, it’s the fingers that fed you. Either way, it is lessons learned.

——
Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

By C.V.C Ozoaniamalu

AWKUZU, 4 January 2022

The cell reeked of abandoned souls, it was a tiny space that could only take two persons, the floor smelled of mixtures of urines, and deadly sweats that ran over the faces of dreadful criminals who came before us. I could see only the midnight blackness; the ambiance was quiet except for the echoes of the wailing voice of Uzonna who had coiled himself up at a corner in quiet agony. We had been transferred from State C.I.D to this place at night and thrown into this cell by one of the guards; a man of modest height, part of whose voice had been sent on exile by an excessive intake of marijuana, leaving him with a very little sound for easy communication. 

He had said to us with so much resentment before locking up the cell, “You think say to answer Odogwu na easy tin, I hear say dem wan use magomago release una for Lagos, for here una go see shege.”

Uzonna uttered no word since yesterday, either to myself or to the police. I had never seen him this weak before, the more he cried, the more guilty I felt. I have ruined my friend’s day; I have ruined his interesting times. What a year’s commencement drama.

LAGOS, 1st January 2022 

It was the first day of January 2022, around the 24th hour, I had flown into Lagos for the first time from Abuja to attend Uzonna’s wedding the next day. The Ibom Air Boeing 34287LP had landed just in time, the air was clear and filled with joy. The almighty Murtala Mohammed Airport bustled with people who had flown in from halfway around the world, the terminals had a handful of seasoned uniform officers who greeted everyone warmly, and asked for a New Year tip-off from passengers by the indirect shout of “Boss”.  A woman, who swept the airport hallway with her long gown made with Ankara, which she probably had gotten from one of the markets in Aba, was being followed by one of the officers, her golden bracelet accentuated her yellowish headwrap and nude lipstick. 

With her deep Igbo accent, she chastised one of the officers for calling her Boss Lady, “Ozugonu, you have said that three times and I have ignored you, does that not tell you that things are bad? Onye aririo, osim Boss lady,” she said half-jokingly, and causing a burst of laughter around her.

Uzonna’s driver, Udeolisa had arrived to pick me up, and we were headed to the Luxury suite at Ikoyi, Lagos Island. The traffic at Jibowu was bad; passengers heading home for the New Year celebration had caused a jam at the different car parks, it was a sign that Nigerians could survive any government. Two little boys had approached our car and had started to rub soapy water on the windscreen when Udeolisa shouted at them to stop.

“I wonder who sends out these kids to the streets at this age and at this time of the night. Is that not the effect of bad government?” he said, looking my way, searching for approval, a link of every bad situation to the government.

“My oga bring out money for dis wedding o, that suite fit reach 1 million and e come lodge 20 of you for different suites,” he switched to pidgin, as he does whenever he is to say something that doesn’t concern the government. To him, Queen’s English was only used for important situations and in the heat of intellectual arguments, but pidgin was the language of laughter and gossip.

“And I hear say the wife Papa get money o,” he said, and smiled joyfully, the kind of smile you give when you are expectant of salary increase. I gave him a dismissing smile, an important signal to stop talking, and he understood my drift.

It was the middle of the night when we got to the Luxury Suite yet Lagos was still filled with life. Udeolisa had helped me unpack my things to the suite and had waited for me to take a shower so we could drive to Eko Hotels for the bachelors’ night. I had finished taking my bath as I stood at the rooftop looking down in amazement at the glorious Lagos landscapes – the dust was rising and darkness was thickening in. The thoughts of my ex Ifenkili flowed in, it reminded me of our last night together at my place at Gwarimpa, her lithe sensuous body warming my tired soul. 

She would probably be with her husband Chief Omeluora, the owner of Golden Pharmaceuticals that girded the globe, a man who is at home in dozens of cities around the world. They would probably be having dinner at one of the most expensive hotels in Italy, and when Chief Omeluora is away thereafter, maybe in a meeting with the company’s board in Italy, Ifenkili would be out, having wild sex, with a young Nigerian fine man he had secretly flown into Italy with them, her body heavily wrapped around the young man as she demands for more wild styles.

“Oga, you done finish? Time done go o,” Udeolisa’s voice jilted me back to reality. He had driven on Lagos roads for years and he had the short cuts at the tip of his fingers. We arrived at Eko Hotel at almost past one and I instructed Udeolisa to go home so we could drive ourselves back home. The bachelors’ eve was filled with so many young men whom I  believe traded in Alaba international markets with Uzonna. The whole environment was financially intimidating for a young lawyer like myself. They ordered drinks twice my net asset and women hovered around, courting attention from them. Two ladies sat at the other end, graciously sipping through their glass of wine and occasionally winking at us.

“These baddies are sharp; won’t you want one for the night?” I said to Uzonna.

“Na madness dey worry you, biko tomorrow is my wedding. I am off the market,” he snapped.

There was a comedian to lighten the mood of the attendees. The room reminded me of the ballroom in Enugu, coloured bulbs flickered, the DJ gave nice jams, while naira notes were sent up the air by the Odogwus in the room. My eyes met the lady’s eyes again, and this time she smiled and I gave a smile back. 

“Where’s your wi..sorry, your would-be wife?” I stuttered into Uzonna’s ear.

“She’s with her parents at Ikeja. She cannot be here, they are Catholics and the family tradition, or rather the doctrine of their church requires she comes from her house, not mine,” Uzonna said touching his mustache as if he stored his words in it.

“Wait, Uzy. Are you indirectly telling me that you have not touched her? like…you are trying to tell me that she’s a virgin?”

“I am not trying to tell you, I am telling you. The Dad is a knight of St. Mulumba.”

“Mulumba my foot, Guy you Dey fuck up full time….okay, okay, since she’s not here you go fit run one baddie for the last time. Remember after today, the faithfulness duty clicks in.”

We both laughed.

We left the party early enough, I had spoken to the ladies and they agreed to keep Uzonna and I company through the night. The suite had two master rooms, a kitchen, and a large sitting room.  So, Uzonna and one of the baddies slept in one while I and the other lady slept in the other room.

IKOYI, LAGOS. 2nd January 2022 

It was the morning the Destined Day or rather the doomsday. We were already lodging out, Uzonna wore a skyblue tuxedo, he looked handsome, his shoe was Gorgio Armani, and his hair was combed stylishly to the center. The marriage of the bride had arrived, and the groom had made himself ready. I dapped his face with a towel, a rehearsal of my bestman’s service.

At the reception, the lady requested for the keys and we told her that some people were still up and that they would return the keys. The lady frowned and her voice lit up “Sorry gentlemen, you cannot leave until we call them. This is the Suite policy for security reasons.” 

“We are running late to a wedding young lady and you are…“

“Calm down, Ekwe. It wouldn’t take much time, go ahead and dial the suite, 113,” Uzonna said as he patted my shoulders.

“Hello, this is the receptionist calling room 113, anyone there,” she said into the phone receiver. A voice from the other end responded, “Yes, I am here, any problem?” I recognized the voice; it was the girl I spent my night with.

“Not really, it is the hotel’s policy that we check up on people who had logged in with others before we could allow them go.”

“Oh nice, I am well, they can go?”

The receptionist had started to drop the line when the voice from the other end came up again, “Oh wait, let me check my friend.” Seconds later, we heard a squink from the other end. Our faces squeezed in confusion. What could that be for?

“Any problem, Ma?” the receptionist asked, her eyes fixated on both of us. We couldn’t get what the lady at the other end told the receptionist. The last thing I remembered was the receptionist calling the Securities who surrounded us almost immediately.

“Murderers, what did you do to my friend?” the lady I spent the night with was already downstairs, shouting and pointing at us. I was filled with so much confusion, Uzonna was looking lost and pale. A scene was already created, everything was happening so fast, the police arrived already, and we were handcuffed, as the body of the girl was being carried downstairs.

“We are innocent, we are inno…” Uzonna said, as he was cut short by a slap. People around had started making a video and taking pictures. The first time I would be appearing on Tunde Ednuts.

Uzonna’s phone rang and police took it from his pocket. The in-laws were already calling. The police man spoke into the phone.

“The owner of this phone has been arrested. You may wish to come to visit him at the state CID?”