Category: Opinion

  • Opinion: Enugu 2023: A Troublesome Truth

    Opinion: Enugu 2023: A Troublesome Truth

    Enugu 2023: A Troublesome Truth

    M.O. ENE

    On Saturday, November 13, 2021, at the Pacesetter Frontier Magazine Maiden Discourse (headlined by ex-SSG of Anambra State Hon. Oseloka H. Obaze), the trendy magazine awarded Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu State “Governor of the Year in Peace and Welfare.” Last week, the Messengers of Peace Foundation awarded him “Most Peaceful Governor in Nigeria.” These are testaments to the comparative claim of Enugu as nirvana in Nigeria. Peace is good. We want peace for the ceaseless struggle to survive, live, and thrive in an enabling environment that is secure and sustaining.

    With the announcement of the schedule for 2023 elections, the peace in Enugu State developed an undercurrent of murmurs and rumors. The concerns created constipated consternations from zoning to micro-zoning and about who was coming or going. Add the upcoming local elections, the grumbles were set to rumble. Something must give way, right? No way: there is only one point of political power in the state.

    With one ephemeral exception before the Ebeano Epoch took deep and no-shaking roots in 2003, Enugu has been practically a one-party state since 1999. Every sitting governor becomes ‘il capo di tutti capi’—the boss of all bosses. Some pushbacks popped up; notably Deputy Governor Okechukwu Itanyi (2007), Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu (2015), and Senator Ayogu Eze (2015/2019). In all, the governors prevailed.

    Ironically, the political class waited for another round. Many Enuguites waited too. The pent-up political pressures needed a vent. They got it from ex-Governor now Senator Chimaroke Nnamani, the founder of Ebeano political platform. As social media outlets warmed on pilot flame last Wednesday, January 26, media manager Dan Nwomeh dropped a big propellant. The nationwide press release did not embellish the fact with diplomatese or political correctness; it was served simple and straight. “Enugu 2023: Gov Ugwuanyi will choose successor ……. Sen Nnamani.”

    The audacious statement “reiterated that it is the prerogative of the state governor, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi to produce his successor without challenges.” At this point, many pundits had read enough. They pounced. Alas, they missed the third and important paragraph: “We have a tradition in Enugu State politics. The governor is the leader who directs affairs. He will determine who succeeds him without compromising the electoral processes and whomever he chooses will be our next governor.”

    I understand those who reacted to the supposedly shocking statement that one man will choose his successor in a democracy. They ignored the “tradition” and “the electoral processes.” They forgot that the statement was about a political platform within a partisan political party and that elections hold. The “tradition” in Enugu State is irrefutable. At the national level, President Olusegun Obasanjo handpicked Governors Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Ebele Jonathan for president and vice president, respectively. The electoral processes were not compromised.

    On Saturday, September 19, 2020, amidst the pandemic, Senator Chimaroke Nnamani led jubilant members and supporters of Ebeano to a solidarity visit with Governor Ugwuanyi at the Government House, Enugu and to endorse him as the leader. In his speech, the senator and founder of Ebeano told Ugwuanyi openly that it was his “right” to produce his successor –as did the governors before him: “Whomever you choose will become the next governor.” The senator just repeated the statement in 2022.

    On Thursday, June 17, 2021, the Ọganiru Enugu East Senatorial District Rally held. In a communique signed by ex-Governor Jim Nwobodo, House Speaker Edward Ubosi, State PDP chairman Augustine Nnamani, State APC chairman Ben Nwoye, HOR Hons Ofor Chukwuegbo, Nnolim Nnaji, and Cornelius Nnaji, the rally’s raison d’être was stated: to defend the power of Governor Ugwuanyi to choose his successor from Enugu East.

    In his speech, APC’s Nwoye stated, “The fact that you [Ugwuanyi] are here means you are with us; the fact that you are here means that you have agreed to bring the anointed one from Nkanuland come 2023.” This meant that subliminally the opposition party had conceded the crown of “the anointed one”— the next governor—to whomever Ugwuanyi chooses! Understandably, the Governor failed to pledge compliance (as he had purportedly promised PDP members from Nkanu East LGA in November 2018); he preferred instead to understand “the content and context” of the direct demand: to choose the next governor.

    I have read rude reactions, decent disagreements, emotional knocks, and kind kudos. Opinions are dozens-a-dime; facts are sacred. Truth is often bitter; the truth that Senator Nnamani told is not an exception. It may require a good measure of honey to swallow but, deep down and now that the screams have subsided, the truth remains. Last Sunday evening, January 30, Akwa Ibom State Governor Emmanuel Udom confirmed the truth within one native week: he chose Commissioner Umo Eno to succeed him.

    Sen. Chimaroke Nnamani

    “Ihe gbaa afọ, ọ bụrụ omenala.” (Whatever sustains for one year becomes a tradition.) The Igbo idiom does not exclude even an abomination (‘alụlụala’). Traditions change but, if one does not wrestle over their right of way, they will not change. With weak distractions from election-season intermissions, nothing has changed in the total domination of PDP in Enugu State. Governor Ugwuanyi is now the boss of bosses. He chose all the 17 LGA chairs in 2018, 2020, and 2022. Who will stop him in 2023?

    Whose fault is it that there is no functional opposition party in Enugu State? Those who disagree with Senator Nnamani should do something that I have preached since Y2K: Form a focused and organized opposition and contest ALL elected positions from councilor to president, not wait for PDP to implode and angle for the tenancy of Government House by divine intervention! We cannot complain that Ebeanọ foundation remains strong for two decades and looks set to produce the fourth frontrunner.

    If the Independent National Electoral Commission were a court, opposition parties in Enugu State would be sued for electoral malpractices. Until the status quo changes, we may have to hold our nostrils and swallow the troublesome truth. Whether Senator Chimaroke Nnamani serves the statement with golden gloves and glitters or with champagne and caviar, it is what it is: the truth.

    ©MOE, 2.2.22

    @aladimma

  • IPOB: Abia court judgment’ll facilitate Kanu’s release –Lawyer

     

    The court, in a fundamental rights suit brought by Kanu’s lawyers, held that the IPOB leader did not voluntarily choose to be absent from his trial, but that he was forced to flee the country because his fundamental rights to dignity of the human person and personal liberty were wantonly violated by agents of the Nigerian government.

    Ejimakor in a statement, yesterday, said: “This landmark judgment has created new legal opportunities for Kanu, especially as regards impeaching the bench warrant that grandfathered his extraordinary rendition. You will recall that from late 2017, I had maintained a well-publicised stance that Kanu never jumped bail and that he will, in due course of time, prove it was the Nigerian government that compelled him to flee and seek refuge outside Nigeria.

    “This was the material issue before the court and it prevailed. The court held that Kanu never made a voluntary decision to flee Nigeria or to be absent from his trial. To this extent, this judgment has finally obliterated the vested and false notion that Kanu had jumped bail back in 2017.”

    The Abuja Division of Federal High Court presided over by Justice Binta Nyako, in March 2019, revoked the bail earlier granted Kanu in April 2017 and directed a bench warrant should be issued for Kanu’s arrest after he failed to appear in court.

    Ejimakor, however, said the latest judgment of the Abia High Court has answered questions on the circumstances under which Kanu fled the country to seek refuge abroad.

    Ejimakor also said the judgment has punctured the Federal Government’s claims and reasons adduced for Kanu’s extradition from Kenya

    “Kanu has by credible evidence proved to the court that his fundamental rights to dignity of the human person and personal liberty were wantonly or brazenly violated and his fundamental right to life threatened brazenly by Federal Republic of Nigeria. The bench warrant upon which his rendition from Kenya was grounded has now become impeachable and liable to be vacated, thus paving the way for his previous bail to be reinstated,” he said.

     

    (Sun)

  • Opinion: Gov. Ugwuanyi has Scored an Incredible Political Goal.

    Opinion: Gov. Ugwuanyi has Scored an Incredible Political Goal.

    By Buchi Nnaji

    One of the attributes of a good leader is the ability to raise more leaders from the younger generation. Unfortunately, that quality as important as it is, is scarce among the current generation of Nigeria leaders. Some of our leaders today are best known for their obscure desire to clinch onto power until “thy kingdom come,” even when it is obvious that they have overstayed their welcome and practically have nothing else to offer.

    The emergence of Hon. Uchenna Ejim as the People’s Democratic Party, PDP Chairmanship candidate for Nkanu-West LGA in the forthcoming Local Government Council election in Enugu State is one of the superlative decisions ever made by His Excellency, Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu State, through the party delegates. The joy and happiness that greeted the pronouncement of Ejim’s victory can only be attributed to a situation where the son of nobody, became somebody.

    In my own judgement, permit me to say that Gov. Ugwuanyi has scored the highest political goal in his administration as demonstrated in the outcome of the just concluded PDP local government Chairmanship primary elections in Enugu State. The pragmatic and selfless leader in his uncommon wisdom, systematically handed over party tickets to many youths in various local government areas of Enugu State. This unexpected but yet calculated move of His Excellency sent a message of hope and breath of fresh air into Enugu State political atmosphere.

    A good leader carries everyone or group along, irrespective of status and background; takes time to consider the yearnings of his people and responds to their needs in the most acceptable manner. That is quality leadership.

    Before now, the upcoming generations have been entertaining fear of not being sure of a promising future. They have not been adequately involved in the business of government, which obviously has contributed to most of the recent youth restiveness recorded in different parts of Nigeria today.

    However, looking at the results of the just concluded PDP primary elections held in the 17 local government areas of Enugu State on the 13th of January, 2022, which clearly indicate a paradigm shift from the old to a new order, encapsulated in the mass inclusion of youths in strategic leadership positions, it is clear that Enugu State government under Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi has commenced the process of handing over the barton of leadership to the younger generation. This is a dream coming true for Nigeria youths. It shows that Gov. Ugwuanyi is indeed a visionary leader who knows his onions.

    The decision to give power to a young man such Uchenna Ejim, who came from a humble background and has been a devoted PDP member for decades without appreciable growth-benefit, came as a pleasant shock and surprise to so many people across the state because nobody saw it coming, including the cabals who hitherto thought they’re smart and powerful and can hold Nkanu-West LGA to ransom as much as they want; in the end, they saw how foolish they are in their evil merchandise. It took the political arithmetic prowess and sagacity of the people-oriented Governor of Enugu State to break the political jinx in Nkanu-West LGA in particular, and Enugu State in general. Thank you Gburugburu!

    With this welcome development, Ugwuanyi has proved beyond reasonable doubt that his administration will leave a remarkable legacy behind, especially for the younger generation, while gloriously leaving office in 2023. The impact of the paradigm shift will also provide a political solution to youth restiveness as they (youths) now see trace of light at the end of the tunnel.

    Now that His Excellency has set the ball rolling for the youths, it is advisable for everyone, young and old, men and women, rich and poor, to rally round the new breed of political leaders that are in the process of being injected into mainstream politics to ensure that they succeed in their new tasks, which is primarily to uplift the face of leadership in Enugu State by bringing fresh innovations that will better the lives of the masses.

    Enugu State is truly in the hands of God.

  • Opinion: David Umahi Vying for Presidency – Genius or Blunder?

    Opinion: David Umahi Vying for Presidency – Genius or Blunder

    By Dele Sobowale

    “Luck is what happens when preparation meets opportunity.”

    When Chief David

    Umahi, Governor of Ebonyi State, decamped from the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, on whose ticket he was elected, to the All Progressives Congress, APC, my first instinct was to denounce his lack of principles. He still stands charged; but, something about his move was fascinating. It was the breath-taking move of a Chess Grandmaster. It was time to sit back and watch. With his declaration to run for President in 2023, a few weeks ago, at least one aspect of his strategy is now clear. As the Governor of the smallest and poorest state in the South-East; and not as nationally exposed as some other candidates, he now surprisingly occupies an enviable position in the race. Luck has already placed him in a strategic position in APC. Here is why:

    Millions are campaigning for him free.

    Hitherto, it has been an assumption, at least in the South, that to have millions campaigning for you means you must have tons of money to spend. Ordinarily, that would have made Umahi a non-starter. Furthermore, the South-East has been solidly behind the PDP from 1999. Two cracks came in Anambra and Imo states. Till now PDP has been unable to find its way back to Government House in Anambra and Imo. Meanwhile, the South-East has gone against the current ruling party – on account of the treatment of IPoB and its leader – Kanu. But, by decamping to APC and moving against the current in Igboland, he is now the only Igbo presidential candidate in APC.

    Unless other Igbo candidates enter the race, everybody campaigning for a southern candidate is working partly for Umahi. Those who have been canvassing for Igbo presidency, like me, now have only Umahi to benefit from our efforts within APC.

    Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba, supposed to be from Lagos State, and said to be stupendously rich, is already a declared candidate. Yet, since Tinubu’s announcement, I have heard and read more opposition to his bid – even from Lagos and Yoruba voters – than those against Umahi. Yet, Umahi has not even stepped into Lagos or the South-West to campaign. Tinubu fares only a little better or worse than Vice President Osinbajo among the people in Yorubaland. Supporters of the two Yoruba candidates are at daggers drawn on the matter. Though undeclared, the VP is already seen as an enemy of the Asiwaju supporters; the hostility goes both ways.

    The South-West is set to re-experience the sort of bitter politics characterising the feud between Awolowo and Akintola in the 1960s. As if history is about to be repeated, Akintola was Awolowo’s subordinate, who rose against his former boss in a contest for power. The wounds have not fully healed from the political war in the ‘Wild West’. Nobody is paying attention to Umahi; and he might become a beneficiary of the Tinubu-Osinbajo face-off in Yorubaland. The zone has several examples of politics with bitterness to make that a distinct possibility.

    Ohaneze is certainly working for him. Each time the pan-Igbo organisation clamors for Igbo candidate, Umahi smiles. At least in APC he is the only choice right now until other Igbo candidates step forward. Ordinarily, that would suggest that Umahi is in a comfortable situation. Unfortunately, in the quick sand of Nigerian politics, he is vulnerable for the same reason he is fortunate to be the only Igbo aspirant in APC so far. One APC chieftain told me why the “man is wasting his time”. According to him, “Umahi spent all his time in the PDP, was voted Governor twice; then finding himself in the wrong place, he decamps to APC. Now, he wants to claim the biggest prize in Nigerian politics while bringing nothing to the party.

    “He is from a poor state; has very little money; Ebonyi is the smallest state in the South-East and he is a local champion. He has no national network. Can such a candidate expect the party to leave Tinubu or Osinbajo and field him?” That, in a nutshell, is the question Umahi must answer; those are the ‘Goliaths’ this David must conquer.

    Fortunately, for Umahi, all is not lost. More than ever, this is one presidential campaign which will be largely influenced by the media – including social media. He can up his game by performing well during media exposures.

    Ohaneze, Igbo Leaders, IPoB and Presidency

    “Two parallel lines can never meet” -Geometry

    Ohaneze and other Igbo leaders have my sympathies. They are stuck on two parallel tracks which can never meet – at least as far as 2023 presidential election is concerned.

    First, they feel compelled to demand for the unconditional release of Kanu, the leader of IPoB – whose is facing several charges in Abuja. Second, they also want other Nigerian ethnic groups to concede the presidency to the South-East partly as a gesture to stop the agitation for secession in Igboland. To some extent, the two demands are mutually exclusive; mostly because of IPoB. Let me declare, once again, that I view IPOB’s demand or any other group for self-determination as legitimate. It is a right universally acknowledged and which people in other parts of the world have been exercising. The United Kingdom just underwent a plebiscite to determine if one of its constituent parts would remain in the kingdom. The skies did not fall. Several thousand people in California, USA are still busy collecting signatures in a legitimate bid to leave the United States of America.

    There is no violence involved; either by the agitators or by the Federal Government.

    To be quite candid, the FGN has mishandled the matter — right from the time of MASSOB. They have criminalised activities which elsewhere were settled by voting, i.e. referendum. Unfortunately, the agitators also fall into traps by giving the FG the excuse that they are fugitives from the law. Let me stop there for now;in order to get to the main point of this article.

    When Igbo leaders ask Buhari to release Kanu by saying “go and sin no more”, they make two assumptions. One, that Kanu and IPoB accept they are criminals – which is doubtful. Two, that Kanu and IPoB will actually stop agitating for the creation of Biafra. This is even more unlikely. Kanu and IPoB have become inseparable. Igbo leaders might as well ask him to go and commit suicide. He will not keep quiet. And, his continuing agitation for secession works against the quest for Igbo President.

    From evidence available to us, neither the All Progressives Congress, APC, nor the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, appears to be too keen on presenting an Igbo candidate. Non-Igbo people, like me, who have been advocating for Igbo President in 2023, know the response we receive most of the time from other ethnic groups. It is at best regarded as a last resort; at worst, a non-starter.

    From my own experience, the main reason for resistance lies in the failure of Ohaneze and other Igbo leaders to start the process of engaging the people and leaders of other ethnic groups in the advocacy. The most common question I am asked is: have you heard of any of their candidates going to other parts of Nigeria, establishing networks, making friends? The impression in other parts of Nigeria is that Igbo are waiting for the rest of the country to come and deliver the presidency to them on a silver platter.

    By contrast, one other candidate (name withheld), who declared two weeks ago, has already been seen in at least seven states – five of them outside his own zone.

    STAKES ARE HIGH

    The stakes are high for Igbo; and for Nigeria as well. It has probably never occurred to all of us that failing to elect an Igbo President in 2023 will mean that few people over the age of 60 will ever live long enough to see one – especially if the presidency shifts South again. By then, the frustration, anger and sense of injustice driving IPoB will claim more adherents. In time, Kanu and IPoB might even be regarded as benevolent.

    In that connection, the frequently reported romance between former President Jonathan and APC is a joke that should not continue. In all the three elections for the presidency – 2007, 2011 and 2015 – Igbo gave him over 95 per cent of their votes.

    They were his most loyal supporters. It would amount to ingratitude of the worst kind if GEJ allows himself to be used to frustrate the presidential ambition of Igbo people. He should put an end to the nonsense by categorically opting out of the 2023 race. He is one opponent Igbo candidates don’t deserve.

    (Vanguard)

  • Opinion: Reviewing Soludo’s Highbrow Non-aligned Team

    Opinion: Reviewing Soludo’s Highbrow Non-aligned Team

    By Ike Abonyi

    “Democracy, good governance and modernity cannot be imported or imposed from outside the country.” — Emile Lahoud

    Last November, Anambra voters elected a vibrant and young academic (1984 grad of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka) to replace outgoing banker, Willie Obiano, at the Government House, Awka. In a bid to hit the ground running, the governor-elect, Chukwuma Charles Soludo, has impanelled a mega transition committee with hot-headed Oby Ezekwesili, another UNN graduate (1984), leading.

    Our discourse this week is a spinoff from the controversies generated by Soludo’s first appointments as a politician.

    Anambra State has had its fair share of good and bad governance from the beginning. It is also blessed to have had men [and women too] of letters at the helm of affairs.

    Anambra’s first civilian governor, Okwadike Igboukwu Chukwuemeka Ezeife, is a Harvard-trained PhD holder (Economics). The second, Chinwoke Mbadinuju, is also a PhD holder from Cornell University. The next was a medical doctor and astute administrator trained at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, UNN. Then followed another UNN-trained philosopher and Onitsha trader, Peter Obi, and now the renowned banker Willie Obiano.

    From the incumbent Governor Obiano, the baton is to be passed on to Prof Soludo, the UNN-trained Economics, former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria.

    From the foregoing, it can be said that Anambra has not been lacking well-educated men [and women too]. So wherever there is a failure of governance, it is not due to a shortage of learned men lettered in various disciplines and fields of endeavour. This amply demonstrates that governance largely derives not from the academics of office holders but more from their levels of commitment and focus, plus numerous other man-made factors.

    Easily, the most outstanding of governors who ruled Anambra State is Okute Peter Obi. Though he is not the topmost educationally, he enriched himself with a series of executive training programmes at some of the world’s best institutions. His performance in office earned him the award of the governor of the decade. There is still no serving or former governor whose performance has outmatched that of Obi in terms of prudence and physical development.

    Next to Obi comes Chris Ngige, a medical doctor who laid a huge infrastructural foundation before Obi, the valid winner of the Anambra gubernatorial mandate, took off from where he stopped.

    Anambra means a lot to many people depending on where you are and what you are looking for at a time. For the Igbo, Anambra is the business hub of Igboland. It has the largest industrial cluster in the region and has several billionaires, more than any state outside Lagos.

    Politically, Anambra is the melting pot of the South East. If Anambra coughs politically and in business the entire South East catches a cold. It’s a state of history and is not suffering the scarcity of iconic personages. It’s home to the first President of Nigeria, later Owelle of Onitsha, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. It is home to the Biafra hero, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the Ikemba Nnewi. Two former presidents of the Senate Abyssinia Akweke Nwafor-Orizu, and Dr Chuba Okadigbo, two former Speakers of the House of Representatives, Edwin Umezeoke and Agunwa Anekwe, the former Vice President, Dr Alex Ekwueme, are all Anambarians.

    On the religious side, the man who almost became the first black Pope of the Catholic Church, Cardinal Francis Arinze is also from Anambra and remains the youngest African ever ordained a Catholic Bishop. Philip Emeagwali, the computer guru in the US, is also an Anambrian, the late iconic writer, Prof Chinua Achebe, was also from here, ditto the reigning global literary lady, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. The one-time richest man in West Africa Odumegwu Ojukwu, the father of the Biafra leader Emeka was also from here. Not to talk of the new generations in Anambra State today, the Innosons and the Ibetos who are at the forefront of the unfolding industrial revolution on these shores. The list is endless and going ahead with it may derail the main gist of this week’s discourse.

    Last week, the local media space was awash with names of about 80 Igbo personalities from all walks of life and across party lines, from different states and backgrounds raised by the Anambra governor-elect, Prof Chukwuma Soludo, to serve in his transition committee. I choose to tag the committee non-aligned because they are not pinned to any particular socio-political and economic interests. Serious concerns were raised over the list and the fact that most members, although full of ideas, are mostly distanced from the reality on the ground in Anambra State.

    Beyond all the hype and intriguing debates, the nonaligned list points to the mindset of the incoming governor and the style of governance he intends to deploy in a star-studded state as Anambra.

    The anxiety is not unfounded because Prof Soludo is familiar with crazy ideas. The CBN bank reforms under him readily come to mind. That one worked but when he came up with the maddening Naira devaluation he was seriously challenged and stopped.

    All eyes are on Anambra State to see what kind of reform Prof Soludo will bring to the table now that he is going to enjoy the executive position. He is sure going to think outside the box but will his revolutionary ideas work for Anambra?

    The success of Soludo in the South East will have a far-reaching effect on governance there in particular and Nigeria at large. Who says the nation cannot pick a workable template from a state?

    A committee chaired by a former Vice President of the World Bank and former Minister of Education, Obiageli Ezekwesili, who is also associated with zany ideas along with other hotheads of international repute like Prof Osita Ogbu should be able to bring ideas that will help Soludo make the expected difference. But further grilling of the list brings out possible areas that make it look like too many cooks endangering the broth. Most of the members of the transition committee are residents outside Anambra and are far removed from the local realities. All of the foot soldiers who made victory possible both at primaries and the general election are missing on the list.

    Anambra houses the largest market in West Africa in Onitsha. Virtually every part of Anambra State is a market and most residents are traders, yet none of the traders is in the committee to help formulate policies that will govern the state for the next four years.

    It may sound pragmatic and reasonable to look for and tap ideas wherever you may find it but to do it in breach of the political party’s understanding might generate the heat that will make the best ideas impossible and infertile.

    The intimidating list has set fears into members of the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance, APGA, in the state who are already apprehensive about their future. We were privy to the fact that there was a strong disagreement earlier for Soludo candidacy within the party hierarchy. There were also strong indications that some allies from Governor Obiano’s kitchen cabinet opposed Soludo but the governor stood his ground. Those originally opposed to Soludo were apprehensive that with his known arrogance [professors are generally made of such stuff], he would sideline them if he gets power. To such people, this list is a confirmation of their fears.

    Those familiar with local politics know that Soludo’s journey to Eldorado in governance will be dead on arrival if he fails to recognize and accommodate all the stairs from which he hopes to climb to the first of the four-floor journey. If he fails to realise this, he will discover to his shock that he may not be able to climb to the next floor even with wonderful templates. This list certainly did not come accidentally, it was carefully selected from seven Igbo-speaking states. It could be Soludo’s way of announcing where he is headed politically.

    But to go far, Soludo has a lot to learn from the two most successful governors in Anambra State, Chris Ngige and Peter Obi. The duo succeeded because they applied a mix of native intelligence in their governance style. Ngige was determined to be able to survive the onslaught of the Ubas [Chris and Andy] who were then enjoying the federal might and were breathing over his shoulders. He aligned himself with the people who protected him even when the federal government withdrew his security personnel.

    Governor Obi was unconventional in his governance style but he also stayed glued to the ordinary people. His prudence and noiseless nature endeared him to the downtrodden who were happy he was protecting and investing their money. He refused to join the crowd in the noise of titles as he remained a Mr until he left office eight years after. Obi was not popular with the elite for obvious reasons. He was ready to call their bluff, having seen how they ruined Dr Mbadinuju. But besides his conviction, affinity with the ordinary people his frugality policy stood him out vividly.

    At Governor Peter Obi’s farewell conference in Awka, the state capital to mark the end of his tenure in 2014, the Director-General of the World Trade Organisation, WTO, who was then Nigeria’s Coordinating Minister, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, described how Obi as a member of the national economic team was always bringing in the trader mentality which was more practicable than the theories of most other members. Soludo’s committee needs such trader mentality if what they are doing is to have the desired impact.

    Even with members’ intimidating credentials, the Soludo team has failed to factor in all these variables. For this, his tenure will be turbulent as he will be assured of reasonable distractions. Good governance idea that fails to factor in the people will be hard to implement. After all, good governance and good politics are symbiotic.

    God, bless Anambra State.

    Author: Ike Abonyi

  • Reps mull 10-year jail term for ponzi scheme operators

     

    The House of Representatives, yesterday, passed for second reading, a bill to repeal the Investments and Securities Act (ISA) 2007 and enact the Investments and Securities Act to establish Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).

    The bill, which seeks to make SEC the apex regulatory authority for the Nigerian capital market, prescribes 10-year jail term for ponzi scheme operators, in the country, among others.

    The proposed legislation, which is sponsored by Babangida Ibrahim, also empowers SEC to shut down all illegal investment schemes.

    Ibrahim, in his lead debate, said current trends in the capital market has made the review of the Investments and Securities Act, Act No. 29 of 2007, enacted 14 years ago, imperative.

    He noted that the proposed legislation would make the Nigerian capital market conform with international best practices.According to him, the major essence of the bill are introduction of new provisions to regulate the activities of financial market infrastructure, as well as netting and bankruptcy provisions to protect investors in derivatives contracts.

    Ibrahim said”there are new provisions on the regulation of Financial Market Intermediaries (FMIs) such as Central Counter Parties (CCPs), Clearing Houses, Trade Depositories etc.

    “The general law of insolvency would have no effect on market contracts or action taken under the rules of an exchange, FMI with respect to market contracts, or an action taken to transfer any collateral.

    “Furthermore, no entity, trade association can operate or hold itself out as a Self Regulatory Organization (SRO) unless recognised or registered as such by SEC. The responsibilities of SRO are also well spelt out, while a new provision has been introduced on netting of financial contracts.”

    He added: “We are enhancing provisions relating to efficient regulation of investment scheme. Recently there is a lot of complaints by Nigerians to the extent the Federal Government itself put some embargo on some accounts on Ponzi schemes. So as of the time of signing the current account, the ponzi scheme was not in existence in Nigeria. So we have to put some regulations to monitor them.”

     

    Source: www.sunnewsonline.com

  • Isi-Uzo: Who Will Be Her Advocate? Time To Stop The Emotional Blackmail

    Isi-Uzo: Who Will Be Her Advocate? Time To Stop The Emotional Blackmail

    By Prince Ejeh Josh 

    The weeks of January 2022 appeared to have been inundated with socio-political intrigues not only in Nigeria but also across the globe. There have been interesting topics unfolding at the global stage. The Ukraine’s political entanglement with some world powers under the military alliance of North Atlantic Organization (NATO) and Russia’s attempt to contain the excesses of the West at its “backyard” by threatening consequences. The pressure on the United Kingdom’s Prime Minister, Boris Johnson to resign for hosting a party in the midst of the raging coronavirus’ variant tsunami—Omicron. New Zealand’s deadly volcanic eruption and the World Health Organisation’s reluctance to supply relief for fear of moving down coronavirus to them. Perhaps, the relief materials could be infected. The interesting United States’ hostages at a Synagogue and the terrorist family’s fruitless effort to blame it on mental health breakdown. The deliberate human rights violation by the military junta in Sudan and bandits and terrorists field days in some states in Nigeria. Of course the ongoing three days sit-at-home frustration in the Southeast, Mr. President’s rice pyramids which the PDP had described as fake and an attempt to pull the wool over the eyes of Nigerians, to politicians turning the Aso Rock to a political Mecca to seek the blessing and anointing of ‘almighty’ President Muhammadu Buhari for the 2023 presidential election. As spectators, while we were inquisitively forecasting the ever strategically dynamic and almost elusive political system, our local political atmosphere was interrupted by the chortle of a fictionally fashioned emotion by one Josephat Omeke, perhaps, acclaimed to be a legal practitioner.

    In the ordinary course of events, I had exercised a lackluster gleam of interest on the piece for obvious reasons. However, a struggle through the article; although riddled with illusion, fiction and inconsistency, exposed the writer’s weak foundation in a sponsored move to create apprehension, inspire conflict and rivalry where there’s none. Aside that, I would have been restrained by logical compass and treat the work with outright ignominy. This article, therefore, is not intended to serve as a riposte or a rejoinder, but to redirect Mr. Josephat on his preposterous voyage of wiping up sentiments to blackmail and incite hatred against a peace-loving people that had not transgressed him through his incendiary piece, rather than presenting an objective intellectual discourse for engagement.

    Josephat had intentionally presented aslant version of what would trigger sympathy in the minds of gullible readers for him and his sponsors. The clever attempt was obviously wrapped in misrepresentation of fact and perversion of historical records to paint a gloomy imagery of a people allegedly under the excruciating wheel of oppression when, in actual fact, the people have been treated like the spoiled brat who now folds his arms and expect manna to cascade without working for it, or engages in a phony tears to blackmail his siblings into conceding to him, on a platter, what belongs to all of them. This caveat should sink; Enugu East Senatorial Zone has never and will never be bifurcated into two equal entities with a laid down mode of sharing value as presented by Josephat. The constitution, being the grundnorm that spelt out the federal structure of Nigeria, is unambiguous as to the balkanization of Enugu East Senatorial Zone into six equal local government areas; Enugu South, Nkanu East, Enugu East, Isi Uzo, Nkanu West and Enugu North. Any other attempt to pervert this is clearly a self-serving adventure and a frolic of white tale (Akuko Mama Ngozi na ndi yard) that is bound to fail.

    To reiterate the above, there’s only one Enugu East Senatorial Zone otherwise known as Nkanu Land. The people of Isi Uzo, like other council areas, against Josephat’s false historical rendition, are clearly Nkanu by nature whether as a result of cultural affinity, agnate, political expediency, or any other relationship. With this conscious historical flashpoint in mind, Isi Uzo has enjoyed the largesse that other council areas within the political establishment are also entitled to. There have been deliberate ceding of juicy positions to Isi Uzo local government area by other council areas in line with equity, fairness, justice and brotherhood. In the course of this interrogation, a chunk of these considerations will be cataloged. It remains, unarguably, a factual statement that the people of Isi Uzo have enjoyed, as much as other local government areas, positions ceded to the senatorial district.

    It’ll also be pertinent, however, to lay this long fallacy being deliberately but dubiously propagated by Isi Uzo’s apologists to rest by settling it with both clinical and forensic evidence obtained from verifiable sources. Writers from Isi Uzo’s enclave have tended to raise this fallacy of Isi Uzo’s frightening “voting strength” to a religious creed and this, they have weaponised as bait to draw sympathies even from a disinterested bystander. Available records have impugned this false creed and demolished any effect it could have mustered in the face of brazen evidence. Where did they obtain the data on which their argument drew strength? A question I will leave for them to answer. There’s no doubt that falsehood always have an expiry date. How does one place something on nothing and anticipate it to stand? Such a delusional contemplation could only be borne out of clairvoyance.

    Mr. Josephat, like his bandwagonry bedfellows, had written thus: “From then on, Isi Uzo became the beautiful bride sought after by all gubernatorial, senatorial and House of Representatives aspirants from other parts of the senatorial district most of whom had no reason to visit the local government prior to 1996. The patronage and romance became even more intense and compelling when it was revealed that Isi-Uzo people, aside from having the much needed voting population, enjoyed one of the highest level of political awareness in the state as an average indigene treated voting in an election as a sacred duty and one of utmost priority. For this very reason, it’s on record that no Enugu East senatorial candidate has ever won election without the support of Isi Uzo people. Fully aware of this very important fact, a senatorial candidate despite the amount of votes he had secured from other local government areas, only starts celebrating after that of Isi-Uzo had been collated and declared.” In spite of this dominant voting might and which naturally confers on Isi-Uzo, the king making status in the senatorial district, the people for a very long time appeared content with delivering huge electoral votes to candidates from other parts of the district.” The above was the feeble straw employed as foundation by the writer to sell his message. Sadly for him, his argument was sharply at variant with reality and statistical figures from independent bodies such as the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), National Population Commission (NPC), Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), etc, on the state of affairs in the senatorial zone under review. Josephat and his co-travelers should adduce the public with the verifiable sources of information on how they had arrived at the Isi Uzo local government taking a lead in terms of voting strength, population and a “high level of political awareness.”

    Verifiable data from the NBS and the NPC gave a vivid graph of the population of each local government area in Enugu East Senatorial Zone. Interestingly, Isi Uzo local government area stands gallantry on the 5th position of the six local governments on the rung of the graph, polling a total population of 200,600 (two hundred thousand, 600 hundred) per capita. For the avoidance of doubt, the figures are given as follows: 1. Enugu East: 374,100 per capita. 2. Enugu North: 326,900 per capita. 3. Enugu South: 267,300 per capita. 4. Nkanu East: 207,300 per capita. 5. Isi Uzo: 200,600 per capita. 6. Nkanu West: 198,900 per capita (in a descending order respectively). The figures, however, had a contrasting outlook from the above in terms of voting pattern and political strength. It’s worthy of note that the level of political awareness is primarily determined by the prevailing level of political culture which further impacts political behavior. It’s a three-way process with a systemic relations of symbiosis. Curiously, this has not played out in the voting trajectory of Isi Uzo local government area.

    To be sure of this scientific analysis, a glimpse at the voting pattern of each local government area in Enugu East Senatorial Zone, obtained from INEC portal, shows that the purported Isi Uzo’s “political awareness” could not translate to enough votes that could reflect their wild claims. In the last gubernatorial election held in 2019, votes from Isi Uzo could only form a miniature of the large fractions obtained from other sisters’ local government areas. For example, Isi Uzo held unto the 4th position of the six local governments despite the fantasy that Isi Uzo was laying the golden eggs. According to the INEC, the following were the results of the 2019 gubernatorial poll. Conscious attempt to limit the results to that cast for the PDP was for obvious reason as the party won flatly with over 95% votes of the total votes cast in the state. Again, the figures will be in a descending order. 1. Nkanu West: 30,698 votes. 2. Nkanu East: 23,118 votes. 3. Enugu East: 22,300 votes. 4. Isi Uzo: 19,698 votes. 5. Enugu South: 17,513 votes. 6. Enugu North: 15,120 votes. Going by the above, one would begin to wonder what Mr. Josephat and his sponsors could have understood, perhaps erroneously, as “political awareness” when the local government is treadmilling on the lowest rung of the electoral ladder. This should now put a stop to all the rhetorics of Isi Uzo this, Isi Uzo that.

    The piece leapfrogged to allege that the people of Isi Uzo were being schemed out of power distribution in the senatorial district. That position is absolutely misleading. Politics, as rightly defined by scholars from different disciplines as Political Science, Sociology, Psychology, International Relations, etc, is the struggle for power. The nucleus of politics is power, and power is not given on a platter anywhere in the world. It must be decently fought for. It must be negotiated. It must be lobbied. It must be toiled for. Expecting a slumbering mind to be awoken with the offer of power is clearly illusory with a need for urgent psycho-political counseling. The simple summary of how to capture power is; go and fetch it! On the intrigues that played out in the alleged speakership and vice chancellor’s positions, nobody oppressed anybody. Those competitive seats were jostled for, and the best took them. It’s a deliberate falsehood to write that a certain aspirant was more qualified than another aspirant. In 2015, the Buhari’s presidency and Bola Tinubu’s All Progressive Congress’s national leadership had wanted Senator Ahmed Lawal and Mr. Femi Gbajabiamila as Senate President and Speaker of the National Assembly respectively. However, Senator Bukola Saraki and Alhaji Yakubu Dogara won against all odds. They won the seats not by folding their arms. They went for their dreams, canvassing logical arguments, wooing their fellows, strategically positioning themselves to take over, and they did.

    The people of Isi Uzo should face the reality for once and avoid anybody from using them against their brothers from other local governments. Some desperate political leviathans are somewhere outside the zone fomenting trouble in a bid to upset the peaceful political harmony being enjoyed by brothers. It’s time to resist them, tend the love holding us together as brothers and keep on working for the greater good of Nkanu Land. Things shall not fall apart as designed by evil machinations. Our people from Isi Uzo should appreciate how other local government areas unanimously conceded the PDP Chairmanship slot meant for the zone to Isi Uzo. That’s the highest political office holder today in our state as far as party affairs is concerned. The zone gave Isi Uzo through Barr. Chijioke Edeoga the slot meant for it from the presidency. Ambassadorship seat was equally ceded to them. Appointment into the endless juicy position of maritime was equally conceded to the council area. The local government have had a shot at the national assembly without eyebrows from others. Our performing Governor has transformed the local government area with unimaginable legacy projects, and here, they’re, ungrateful. In today’s administration, Isi Uzo enjoys one of the political patronage through appointments, youth empowerment, human capital development, but yet, they’re being sponsored against the interest of the government.

    Finally, on the issue of the 2023 gubernatorial race, one thing is indisputable as events keep unfolding, and that’s the fact that our dear Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi will choose his successor for the state. However, the position is open to the Enugu East Senatorial Zone to jostle. In doing this, every local government area that feels equity, fairness and justice is on its side has the political obligation to go about wooing stakeholders, convincing people across divides, reaching out to others to support them and working tirelessly to show their seriousness for the job. That’s exactly what the people of Nkanu East are doing. They are strongly convinced that equity, justice and fairness is, by moral calibration, on their side. They have come up with different interest and pressure groups out of resoluteness to take a shot at the office. But our Isi Uzo brothers are sleeping, gesticulating that it’s their turn when, in all fairness, there are supposed to support Nkanu East to go for the job. Their turn will soon come whenever the seat orbits again, and support will be given to them assuredly. That’s the love we should be sharing. One could see logic and reason working on all fours with the argument advanced by the majority of Enugu people that Isi Uzo has to wait for its turn since it came last in the political formation and permutation of Enugu East Senatorial Zone. It met other local councils, and will be unfair to be laying claim to the seat in 2023. The micro-zoning should be structurally methodical. Nkanu East has waited for over 41 years, while Josephat claimed Isi Uzo had been waiting for the past 26 years. The facts are clear. One day, other local councils will definitely support Isi Uzo for the top job. However, for now, it’s the turn of Nkanu East which is fully prepared for the job.

    This piece will remain inchoate without touching on the important issue raised by Josephat and his sponsors. They had accused some critical stakeholders of voicing their support for Nkanu East without mincing words. The argument by this camp was prompted by attempt to call some people a bad name just to justify their self-serving narcissism. For Josephat, the statement credited to Senator Jim Nwobodo and others about their political future was unacceptable. Such thinking pattern is laughable and had a clandestine design to disrespect the highly revered elder statesman. When has holding political opinion become a crime in our clime when the constitution of the country confers an unambiguous freedoms of association, expression and political view on its citizenry? Senator Jim Nwobodo, as well as our reverential Senators Chimaroke Nnamani, Ken Nnamani, among others, did not make their statement in a vacuum. They made it in a good faith when a formidable interest group under the aegis of Nkanu East Consultative Forum visited them to seek their support as well as their solidarity to produce the next governor of the state. The calibre of people in the group shows unity of purpose, love, strength, and mission in Nkanu East. Such political strategy was missing in Isi Uzo since they believed the governor would visit and give them the gubernatorial ticket on a platter. Such arrogance! Politics is not won on social media where my friends and brothers from Isi Uzo are doing their ranting. Whatever gave them that audacity that the governor would spoon-feed them with the governorship ticket must be likened to Macbeth’s deception by the three witches known as the Weird Sisters in Williams Shakespeare’s work.

    At the risk of repeating the known here, His Excellency, Senator Jim Nwobodo, in all sincerity, has always advocated for the people of Isi Uzo in the political arrangements of the state. He believes, just like every other Nkanu person, that Isi Uzo people are part and parcel of core Nkanus whether by consanguineous ties, socio-cultural affinity, or by political expediency. The elder statesman man had no business to mention any other local government areas since the local government in focus, which came for the consultation, was Nkanu East. If those ranting about Nkanu East’s visit to the founding father of the state are jealous, let them also organise their own forum and visit him. Perhaps, they could be compelled to send a certain deflected and lifeless body recently advertised on social media with the name; Ka Isi Uzo jee, made up of teenagers and boys, to do the visitation. In all honesty, Isi Uzo is having its fair share more than other local government areas and the remaining five local governments will not hesitate to drum momentous support for the people of Isi Uzo to occupy the Lion Building at the right time. For now, let them support their Nkanu East kinsmen to represent the state in 2023.

  • Opinion: Right to Life

    Opinion: Right to Life

    Opinion: Right to Life

    By Sandra Ojobo

    This is actually more difficult than I thought it’d be. The question that has been ringing in my head for over a week now has been, “How best can I convey, or rather, pass, my message across in such a way that a layman would boldly beat his chest and feel proud that he now knows the law? (Not that it’d, or should, prompt him to carry on the duties of a legal practitioner because that would earn him some jail time for impersonating a lawyer, and he’d definitely swear for me).

    Let us begin by informing him of his rights as a human being as contained in Chapter IV of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended). He has the right to life as the most basic of all rights on the basis of his being a human. From the Bible, to the Natural Theory of law, to the United Nations Charter, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, they all preach one message: that human life is sacred and should be treated as such.

    By virtue of section 33(1) of the Constitution, this right ought to not be taken away or violated except in execution of a court order in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been found guilty in Nigeria. The implication of this section is that the life of a human being should be held in utmost regard as being sacred and as such, should not be taken away except by an order of court. If this is the case, why, then are there series of killings and deaths unaccounted for? Why are there several reports of killings and it seems like nothing is being done to seek justice for the dead? We hear on several news outlets how a truck would fall on a vehicle, how tankers explode in busy areas of the road. We hear how the wickedness of a woman led to the eventual death of her househelp or stepchild. We hear how humans use their fellow humans for ritual purposes after kidnapping them or luring them to their lairs with fake job offers. We hear, too, how bosses use their secretaries or apprentices to level up. All of these are usual occurrences, but how then am I supposed to explain the fact that parents use their children for rituals, and even friends?

    Do the deaths of these victims have remedies under the law? How are their families supposed to have any sort of consolation? Section 33(2) of the Constitution provides the exceptions under which a person shall not be regarded as having been deprived of his life. The circumstances include, a) the defence of any person from unlawful violence or for the defence of property; b) to effect a lawful arrest or to prevent the escape of a person lawfully detained; or c) for the purpose of suppressing a riot, insurrection or mutiny.

    The simple meaning of the above provision is that a person can be said to not have willfully killed another if he did so in self defence- for example, Mr. A’s house was broken into in the middle of the night by some hoodlums. If in the course of the struggle, Mr. A kills any of them, he would not be guilty of murder. (Now, this does not mean, in any way, that we should always try our best to kill people who break into our homes. Trust me, you wouldn’t want to get blood on your hands for whatsoever reason, it is really not a pleasant memory). On the question of the remedies available to the victims, their families, and the society at large, section 319(1) of the Criminal Code provides that any person guilty of murder shall be sentenced to death. This means that the victim, through his family or dependents, can institute an action against the perpetrator. This was not the case before though, because the dependents of the victim or deceased could not institute any action in court for the enforcement of the deceased’s right. The coming into force of the 2009 Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules changed the narrative and made it possible that the enforcement of a victim’s right could be done when the right has been violated, when it is being violated, and when it is likely to be violated. Such action can also be instituted at the instance of the Attorney-General of the State or Federation.

    I really hope I did not sound glum at any point though, because that was not a part of the plan. The plan was to let people become aware of their right to life and how protected it is under the law, because, as the saying goes, “Justice for one, is justice for all”. I would end here, for now with the paraphrased words of a renowned Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, that “justice is not a one-way traffic neither is it a two-way traffic. Justice is a three-way traffic; justice for the victim whose blood cries for vengeance, justice for the family of the victim who would have to live without him, and lastly, justice for the society.”

    It is a part of the Nigerian dream that lives would always be accounted for and protected under the Nigerian legal system such that our faith in our laws would be restored.

  • Igbo Think Tank Society: Realease Nnamdi kanu and Igboho, seek political solutions

    The Igbo Think Tank, Nzuko Umunna, has again called on the President, Major Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), for the release of Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday Igboho from detention and seek a political solution to issues preceding their prosecution.

    In a statement signed by the Executive Secretary of Nzuko Umunna, Ngozi Odumuko, on Monday, the Think Tank urged the President to “explore the opportunities provided by the intervention of South-East Governors, South East NASS Caucus, South East Council of Traditional Rulers, Representatives of Igbo Archbishops and Bishops, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Pa Mbazulike Amaechi, and some groups in the South-East to release Nnamdi Kanu and resolve his matter politically.”

    It noted that the “public opinion and sentiments show that Nigerians want Mr President to deploy political solution and release Mazi Nnamdi Kanu.”

    Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, has been in detention for many months after he was allegedly abducted in Kenya and returned to Nigeria.

    The call for Kanu’s release comes as an Abia State High Court sitting in Umuahia is set to deliver judgment this Wednesday being the 19th of January 2022 on a human rights suit brought before it by the IPOB leader.

    Kanu had challenged what he called a violation of his human rights and the 2017 military invasion of his family home.

    The suit, which was filed by Kanu’s lawyer, Aloy Ejimakor, had asked the court to declare as illegal, the action of the Nigerian government in the alleged abduction of the IPOB leader in Kenya and his rendition to Nigeria to be allegedly tortured and dehumanized.

    Commending Barrister Ejimakor and Kanu’s legal team for exploring all legal options for his release, the Nzuko Umunna urged the Federal Government to constructively engage with the IPOB leader and all self-determination leaders, including Yoruba Nation agitator, Sunday Igboho, and save the country from undue distractions.

    The group noted that a “political solution will lead to permanent peace and a sense of nationhood, as the country will only experience true progress in an atmosphere of peace and tranquillity.”

    (Punch)

  • My Undiluted Skin

    My Undiluted Skin

    My Undiluted Skin

    By C.V.C Ozoaniamalu

    An Igbo adage says “Ife amaro kwuru” which can be translated to “Things are not standing well”. Of course, everything has fallen apart, families have been broken, prides have been wounded, hearts have been touched, and an air of tension hung on the air at the Biafran infirmary camp at Ifitedunu that morning. The infirmary was a kind of reminder of the vicissitude of the flesh, the pendency and inevitability of death. Though I have seen so many pass away during the war, I still can’t think of what it would look like on my own day.

    The white nurses had this English pointed courtesy and the only doctor at the camp had given his life. There were several seats at the infirmary hall. The biggest of the seat was occupied by the women of Sacred Heart of Jesus League formed by Mama on each camp we went to. Mama was at the center and the remaining of them stood at the back of those seated, in the manner they would were they to take a group picture for the Bazaar brochure at St. Theresa’s Parish at Jos, with their rosary circled around their fingers. The only thing missing was their smile and the absence of a Camera man, nevertheless their mouths moved in prayers. The other seat next to theirs was occupied by Ifechi’s Mum, with the two women from Jehovah’s witness, who had always moved around the camp preaching on how the world would be brought to an end by the very war and how they would inherit the earth afterwards. Seated next to them was a man who seemed to be Ifechi’s Uncle or one of their kinsmen whom fate had brought to the same refugee camp with them and whose appearance told of someone that had done his preparation hastily, his reddish T-SHIRT spoke more of no option than of style, wearing it with a big trouser, which under normal circumstances, Obinze and I would have laughed at. Obinze (Obi ololo as I fondly call him) was seated next to the man, his classic lively nature had been diluted into a pale uninterested boy. He as well was surrounded by most of the mutual friends I made at the camp: Julius, Obika, Adaora. The elderly men at the camp were busy counting everyone to know who was still missing. The man who had counted the people beside me skipped me during the counting and I was never bothered because all I wanted was for Ifechi to survive, it was indeed my worst day during the war. The day I wished to erase, just like a sponge.

    I’m Enyinnaya, the kindest soul you would ever meet, but with the weakest of heart. I have grown up in a world where people like me are loved only from a distance because we are not wearing the normal brown skin. I had always built an imaginary world of my own, where my skin is without keloids, and where I’m not asked terrible questions like:

    I heard you don’t see well in the afternoon?

    Do your skin peel off?

    Do you release pink sperm?

    Why are your eyes not steady?

    I learnt how fragile I look by observing the world, by observing people make unnecessary pity for me when they say, “How can you give that to an albino, he possibly cannot carry that”. I have been a terrible eavesdropper, and I have heard one or more of Mum’s friend advising her to better find solution in order to avoid having an albino daughter, because to them, it would be a disaster. Before the war, I was down in Nsukka as a chemical engineering student while my people stayed at Sabon gari in Plateau State. At the University community at Nsukka, my social life was dry, firstly because no girl wanted to do anything with an albino, and secondly because I had lost every esteem in me attempting to try. I sometimes felt like asking God questions for my being. The incompleteness I felt. I had two siblings (Obinna and Anike) who were nothing like me, because they were perfect resemblance of my parents, inheriting their nice brown skin that looked like honey. Most times, I wished we all were the same, and I not been excessively fairer.

    The massacre at Jos brought my parents down to our hometown at Mgbagbuowa in Ezeagu, Enugu state, after having lost everything my father owned, including my younger siblings.

    The massacre as I was told by Ifechi, a young Igbo girl who lived with her people at the next street at home in Jos, and whose father and younger siblings were also victims of the massacre, had narrated that it all started at the St. Theresa’s primary school built by Christians for the education of their children. Thirty children were massacred in cold blood, and this included my beloved Obinna and Anike. My parents and so many others were sneaked into the Biafran land through a truck carrying refugees. The shock of this did not leave us until the war began, bringing with it more terrible things.

    During the first six months of the Nigerian civil war, I cannot actually remember if it was October or November, but I still remember it was one of these afternoons during the harmattan, probably because sleep came too quickly, and the earth was dusty, and that the bushes burned, and its smell reminded me of the burning carcass of our fat goat at Christmas, when our world was at peace, when laughter was the language of home, but now there was no Christmas, it was war each day, I could remember my lips were dry and how Ifechi would teasingly tell me “Your lips are dry like sandpaper”.

    I remember too that my throat was dry, itchy and sore, a kind of leftover from the crying at Jos massacre, producing a hollow and unenthusiastic sound, which everyone at home would have likened to the voice of the huge man at St. Theresa’s, whose name we knew not but whose unappealing voice covered that of everyone at the tune of “Pater noster chant” in each of Fr. Alexander’s Latin Mass.

    I was at the camp because the Biafran commander of the second squad had rejected me. “What does an albino have with the war” he had said annoyingly. I had to take refuge at the camp. Families had been scattered, But I was lucky to have been in the same camp with Mama while we lost track with Papa. The camp smelled of pity, of children dying of kwashiorkor, of families mourning loved ones. The news of the Nigerian soldiers taking over the whole of Nsukka had reached us at the camp at Ifitedunu.

    I had overheard one of the soldiers tell one of the white nurses that the Biafrans were out of food and weapon, that he hoped Ojukwu would retreat. I knew then was my time to contribute to the war since I couldn’t be at the Frontline. Like a Knight in shining armor, I went round the camp gathering young girls who had been in the University or college before the war, in weeks I had formed a group of young Nigerian students at Ifitedunu camp to help build a local bomb, which was later tested at Enugwu-Ukwu, on the Nigerian soldiers that had entered Awka through Amansea, and its resultant success brought about the name “Ogbunigwe” killing 10,000 foot soldiers.

    On the news of this, Ifechi had come to me saying “I love that you are a genius”. It was her saying this, that brought us together. I started seeing her everywhere I went at the camp, her patrician face, her lithe and sensuous body rich with promise, her large mouth and smiling lips made me forget that there was war. She was peace, the peace I had searched for. And the most beautiful thing was that she looked at me in a certain strange beautiful way, that no girl had looked at an albino before.

    Weeks before that terrible day, the news of the Aburi accord agreement had reached the Biafran land, there were shouts of victory, that gleeful moment of dancing and shouting, Ifechi had come to me rejoicing, she held my hands and kissed me. I felt the trigger, I felt loved, I felt seen. I had laid awake all night too stimulated to catch some sleep, too busy replaying what had just happened.

    On waking up weeks after, news had gone around the camp on how Gowon had denied the Aburi agreement and sent more troops to the Biafran land. The sun that afternoon burnt the back of my neck. I was headed to meet Ifechi to tell her the news when the sound came. It was heavy and shook the whole place. People were running for safety, Ifitedunu camp had been attacked. I had taken cover, lying stretched out on the dry grasses. The earth shook, pulling down with it the old walls of the Ifitedunu community which had been turned into a camp. It took 20 minutes for things to die down.

    I had risen up, my heart still beating faster. I saw elderly women carrying a girl and Ifechi’s uncle carrying a young boy of my age heading towards the infirmary, which was a normal routine anytime the camp was attacked. Last time it was an elderly Ihiala man, whose legs had been cut off and who spoke in a rapid tongue that he sincerely believed was perfect English but was a funny combination of his native tongue and pidgin. I began to run towards them in a faster graceful speed than I never imagined. On reaching the infirmary, I learnt it was Ifechi by the way her mum yelled, but Mama too was yelling uncontrollably too. I reached where Mama was and asked her what happened but she didn’t respond nor did she recognize my presence. I wanted to ask Obinze whom the injured boy was but he too seemed lost. I just sat there, waiting and hoping.

    After 15 minutes, one of the white nurses came out, his face expressionless, but his hands shaky, he was saying, “The girl is safe, however we … we…we lost the young man”.

    “Which young man?” Mama had asked furiously.

    “The genius albino” The white nurse said.

    I stood up, confused, “the albino?”, I repeated…But I’m not dead, there’s a mistaken identity. Mama had fallen to the floor, the women from the Sacred Heart of Jesus League were comforting her, I had moved to show them that I was alive, that the white man was hallucinating, but I realized no one could see me nor hear me, that I had become an air. I was terrified. Is this what death felt like?

  • Chinyeaka Ohaa’s Christmas Visit to Enugu East Zone’s Royal Fathers and the Attempt to Distort Fact

    Chinyeaka Ohaa’s Christmas Visit to Enugu East Zone’s Royal Fathers and the Attempt to Distort Fact

    Chinyeaka Ohaa’s Christmas Visit to Enugu East Zone’s Royal Fathers and the Attempt to Distort Fact

    By Prince Ejeh Josh

    When the 20th century Nazi politician and chief propagandist of the German’s Third Reich, Paul Joseph Goebbels, was dishonestly creating an aura of falsehood around the defeated and war devastated nazist dictator, Adolf Hitler, through his deliberate media design, little did he know that the innocent people of Germany and the world at large would soon realise the truth, which has always been universally immutable. The Gauleiter of Berlin was notoriously known for skewing facts, perverting realities and creating the “illusion of truth effect” in his attempt to misinform his people to score cheap political points.

    However, like Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian nationalist and rights lawyer, tersely stated; an error does not become truth by reason of multiplied propagation, nor does truth become error because nobody sees it, the continued atmosphere of silhouette being created by Goebbels came to an end, when in 1945, Hitler and his cult of conspirators went missing into the rubble of history. Like the famous Guardian editor, C.P. Scott, once wrote in 1921, in what has become a journalistic, social and literary maxim; comment is free, facts are sacred, and fact-based comment most precious of them all. This should serve as a guiding principle to all our activities regardless ideological leanings, interests, platforms and lenses.

    Sadly, this has not always cast the projected reality by competing interests, often displaying their brawny strength in a struggle to outsmart their perceived political and socio-economic adversaries. Whether by hook or by crook, individuals have repeatedly presented storylines that would place them at a vantage point over the common good of the public. Despite the clear defeat suffered by the German forces during the World War II, Hitler played a smart card through Goebbels by presenting a different narrative and worldview to the public. We’ve seen this antics unproductively replicating itself in Iran, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and recently, in Palestinian territory. This, however, did not remove the fact that a lethal punch had been landed.

    In a recent report by an online newspaper, Everydaynewsngr, titled; “Enugu East Zone traditional rulers pray for Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa’s ambition” and circulated in different social media platforms on the 26th of December, 2021, there was fruitless attempt to distort the fact of what actually transpired at the said gathering by the report. Available evidence convincingly pointed to the fact that the report was at variant with the discussion that ensued, and could have been hastily written as damage-control-design to save faces.

    Everydaynewsngr had reported, in a rather hysteric manner, that a former Accountant General to Enugu state government and retired federal permanent secretary, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, had organised a politically motivated Christmas visit to the 199 traditional rulers of Enugu East Senatorial District at the palace of Igwe Julius Nnaji, Odezuligbo III of Nike kingdom, who, according to the report, was the “Second Deputy Chairman of Enugu State Traditional Rulers Council and Chairman of Enugu East Senatorial District Council of Traditional Rulers.” The report went further to paint the mental picture of a political campaign rather than that of paying an “homage” to the Igwes as alleged by the newspaper.

    To be sure of my position, I’m candidly not against anybody paying a Christmas or political homage to the said traditional rulers. The royal fathers are our fathers, and they deserve the respect they have earned by reason of their sacred stools. However, it’s quite mortifying that a purported “Christmas visit” could be whimsically manipulated into a political arena to achieve personal ends or score political gains. Such display of character, in the eye of the public, could be defined as playing stunts with our royal fathers, and indeed, the people they rrepresen. It’s an egregious violation of the revered customs of our land. Under no guise should a political visit be shrouded and wrapped in religious and cultural rite in a move to maneuver the political terrain. It isn’t telling well of our Christian communion recently celebrated.

    Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa is a man I respect in no little measure. His rendition of his career before the royal fathers, and his exploits cumulating to his retirement in Abuja shows we’ve got the resilient spirit of Nkanu in him. For this, I will continue my respect for him no matter where I find myself. This does not, however, imply that I will not be blunt where and when truths and facts are threatened. In this case, the report perverted the glaring reality on ground and had justice asphyxiated.

    It is no news that Sir Chinyeaka is harbouring an ambition, perhaps, to run for the position of Governor of the state in 2023. Sponsored billboards and boisterous social media activities are a pointer towards that direction. Of course, every person with the conditions precedent for governor is qualified to run. Interestingly, Sir Chinyeaka is from Enugu East Senatorial Zone where the All Progressive Congress (APC) has zoned the ticket. The body language of decision makers in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) is also tilting towards the fact that the ticket will be going to the senatorial zone in view. The reason for this is simple; established zoning trajectory in the state since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999. On the strength of the above, one would be compelled to ask whether Sir Chinyeaka is not unqualified to vie for the top job. The question will be answered in our preceding paragraphs bearing the principle of moral rectitude, political compass, micro-zoning and competence in mind.

    Back from the necessary deviation, the report from Everydaynewsngr hopped further and added that Sir Chinyeaka who had visited the traditional rulers sought their support for his gubernatorial ambition. But ironically, the visit had the colouration of Christmas celebration and the actuality of political campaign. Appearance, it’s stressed, is different from reality. One could, even without curiosity, observe the voice of Jacob and the protruded hand of Esau in the hurried visit. I still do not have any issue with people trying to manipulate their way by whatever means. I could, as I had wanted, to ignore the report. However, many people had given it the attention and interpretation it never deserved. The report presented a false story of general acceptability and endorsement of the candidates by the traditional rulers, who, in fact, never did. This was where the crux of the matter lies.

    Interestingly, reading through the news, one would appreciate that some traditional rulers were singled out as endorsing the candidacy of Chinyeaka while speaking on behalf of others. This is not true. My findings, during my interactions with some of the royal fathers, showed that no endorsement was ever made at the arena or at the said Igwe’s palace. Perhaps, endorsement could have been made elsewhere other than the gathering, but that would still remain imaginary until evidence of the endorsement is adduced.

    For the avoidance of doubt in the preposterous report, a first class monarch in Enugu state, Southeast and Patron of Traditional Rulers Council in the state, HRH Igwe Abel Nwobodo, the Awalagu 1 of Umuawalagu, Nara-Unateze, was quoted as saying that the candidacy of Sir Chinyeaka was the most qualified of all the candidates. This is false, and a mischievous attempt to inspire hatred against the reverential traditional ruler. To appreciate this position, an excerpt from the paper would be reproduced below. “He said that, of all the probable contenders for the governorship of Enugu state, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa is the most qualified even though, he added, there are some other considerations that may be factored into, and as Royal fathers they are insulated from making inputs concerning, the considerations on who becomes what in the politics of the state.”

    According to the royal fathers I personally contacted, at no time had Igwe Nwobodo made the statement attributed to him. In fact, it is on record that the Igwe had seized the opportunity to appeal to Sir Chinyeaka to shelve his ambition by considering some factors which include, equity, justice, fairness and the fact that between 1999 and 2007, when it was the turn of Enugu East Senatorial Zone to produce governor, his local government area, Nkanu West, was massively supported, and His Excellency, Senator Dr Chimaroke Nnamani, was elected as governor of the state.

    Addressing my question, one of the traditional rulers stated as follows: “He (Patron, Traditional Rulers Council) was at that meeting, and I was there too. You know we are traditional rulers, and any politician that comes to us; normally we’ll pray, because our prayer is like igoro mmadu ofor. We can’t wish anybody bad. If you come from PDP, or from APC, or if Okeke comes, we’ll pray for him. If Okafor comes, we’ll pray for him. If Okonkwo comes, we’ll definitely pray for him. It is only God that gives power, and he will choose for us at the right time. God is the giver of life and giver of strength. His (God) decision is final.

    “He (Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa) really did tell us he wanted to be the governor of Enugu state, but I do not think Nwobodo gave him any endorsement when he spoke because from Nwobodo’s statement, he told him that the people of Nkanu East were clamouring that it’s their turn to take a shot at the governorship sit. This means that he spoke the wish and mind of the people of Nkanu East local government council that day. As a leader, he bared his mind on the aspiration of his people. Well, in my own case, I told Chinyeaka that I have not expected him to come to the arena and told them of his gubernatorial ambition because the primary problem bedeviling Nigeria today is, injustice. We need justice and fair play because the Nkanu West have had their share through Chimaroke Nnamani. So, I said it’s Nkanu East that’s the most underdeveloped local government in the state, and many people have been saying it. How can someone who’s craving for peace insist on skewing some local government areas out when his local government has had its fair share. If not for equity and justice, the Enugu North could have avowed to continue for another term, or even the Enugu West could have also come out.

    “But here we are pleading that Nkanu East should be given the equal opportunity in Enugu East Senatorial District to produce the next governor of the state. With this zoning formula in place, and the sit having gone around, and now that it’s the turn of Enugu East Senatorial District, it will make no sense for a local government area that had earlier produced the governor to indicate interest when others have not had their share. So we go by rotation for every local government for peace to continue to reign. That was my speech and plea that day. Eventually, many of the royal fathers supported me that there’s no how we could have given him mandate for the West to go again. I was overwhelmingly supported. So, whosoever said that we gave him our mandate was lying. It’s Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu state that will eventually tell the people we to go, and we’ll follow him.”

    How would one explain the fact that out of the six local government areas in Enugu State zone, three local governments of Enugu North, Enugu South, and Nkanu West had produced governors in one time or the other, leaving Nkanu East, Enugu East and Isi Uzo local government council out of the permutation? Now that the chick is coming home to roost after a long wait, another person from Nkanu West local government area is jumping at it from all sides, not minding that Nkanu West local government council is presently wielding the positions of the Senate and House of Representatives. Where is the justice, equity, fairness, political compass and moral rectitude in the brotherhood we’re preaching? Our Patron and other royal fathers, even though apolitical because of their positions as custodian of culture and traditions, were right not to have endorsed him. Such endorsement will collapse in the face of any comprehensive assessment as political and moral beings. We must learn how to strike a balance between our aspiration and the greater good of the society.

    It is pertinent to underscore the fact that our Patron and even Igwe Julius Nnaji could have been quoted out of context or their speeches perverted by those desperate to hold the political atmosphere at the jugular. Conscience and morality enshrined in natural law demand that those parts that have not benefited from the political benevolence of zoning or equity be allowed. In this regard, people have bemoaned the underdevelopment curve the vast area of Nkanu East local government area has suffered over the past years. The authority in the state has often penciled down Nkanu East local government has treadmilling in the lowest rung of the ladder of development. Other local government areas in this observatory have attracted the greater chunk of government’s value allocation. Nkanu East local government cannot afford to continue in the periphery while other local governments are migrating to the centre of centre. It’s as a result of this that the people have been craving the indulgence of their kinsmen from other local governments to support them. The state of Nkanu East local government becomes of more particular concern when one considers a work once made by Chinenye Ugwu of the “Ike is coming” ruse where she bemoaned the agony of the local government with a derogatory remark, and went out of her way in making a strong case for the people of Nkanu East council area when she metaphysically wrote of Nkanu East local government area as the, “…backwaters of the ‘Core Nkanuland’ that have suffered perennial political and developmental marginalisation.”

    Instead of orbiting around a fruitless political voyage, it’s time for all of us to work together and support a candidate from Nkanu East area bearing in mind that, one day, candidates from Enugu East and Isi Uzo areas will be supported too. Nkanu East council area has got people with the experience; garnered both from public and private sectors. There are more competent hands with technologically driven ideological orientation who are doing well in diverse areas as science, technology, business, education, management and entrepreneurship from Nkanu East. Power should be distributed fairly among the people. While Nkanu West is currently holding the positions of the Senate and House of Representatives, equity, justice, fairness, and competence entail that the position of governorship seat be zoned to Nkanu East local government. It’s hoped that the state governor, Rt. Hon. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, who has been toeing the path of honour, justice and fairness, and who has given the people of Enugu state enviable environment of peace for business to thrive, will do justice in Enugu East Senatorial Zone by considering the readiness of Nkanu East to go for the job.

  • Sylvester Oromoni’s Family hires Falana for legal war

     

    The family of the late Sylvester Oromoni Jnr. has faulted the legal advice by the Director of Public Prosection (DPP), Lagos State, which stated that the suspects in the murder saga had no case to answer.

     

    Father of the deceased student of Dowen College, Mr. Sylvester Oromoni, in reaction to the DPP’s advice, said the family would pursue the case legally to a logical conclusion to get justice.

     

    As a result, Mr. Oromoni in a statement, said the family has instructed the legal team led by Mr. Femi Falana (SAN),to put machinery in motion.

     

    The bereaved father called on President Muhammadu Buhari, the Inspector-General of Police, civil society organisations and international bodies to wade in and ensure that justice was served.

    The statement read in part: “My attention has been drawn to the legal advice, dated January 4, 2022, on the untimely and brutal death of my beloved son, Sylvester Oromoni Jnr., who died on November 30, 2021.

     

    “I am appalled by the said legal advice being circulated on social media, as a copy was not obliged to us despite several request for same.”

     

    Oromoni expressed dismay at what he described as a “gang-up” by concerned authorities against the “innocent boy who died as a result of negligence by the management of Dowen College and the release of the five suspects when the police had not concluded investigations. Be that as it may, I am not surprised with the content of the said legal advice.

     

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    “This is because the Commissioner of Police in Lagos, Mr. Hakeem Odumosu, had on December 31, 2021, said before the governor, the Attorney-General and the DPP that investigation had been concluded and that those arrested in connection with the murder had no case to answer.

     

    “It may interest you to know that the suspects were ordered to be remanded by the police for 21 days to have proper investigation by the same magistrate’s court in Lagos, which granted the five suspects bail.”

     

    Oromoni added that there was a clear oral statement from his son before he died and his schoolmates that he was tortured and given an unknown substance, suspected to be poison, which led to his death.

     

    “The management of Dowen College, Lekki, Lagos, has always claimed that my late son sustained injury while playing football.

     

    All the evidence gathered has shown that this is not the true story but a way to cover up their negligence.

     

    “Based on the outcome of the autopsy report which contradicts the story of Dowen College, it is my firm belief that there is a conspiracy among the officials,” he said.

     

     

     

     

    Source: www.sunnewsonline.com